and a Lower House or Legislative Assembly, to consist of sixty-five members.

It is not necessary to describe further this Constitution. It derives its authority from the Imperial Parliament, to whom whatever powers are not expressly conceded are reserved. It is scarcely necessary to add that the Constitution has been an eminent success. The deadlock which existed between Upper and Lower Canada, which was the main cause of the movement in favour of federation, has been completely removed. The separate national and historical traditions of the French population of Lower Canada have been conciliated by the concession of autonomy within limits which include whatever they value most in their separate institutions; while the central Government has most important functions, and is not wanting in control over the provinces.

Reverting to Europe, the chief exemplar of Federal union is that of the German Empire, constituted in 1871, immediately after the great military defeat of France. By this Constitution the various Germanic States, 27 in number, formerly forming part of the very weak and loosely connected Confederation, where there was no central authority and no real power or control, were united together in a federal system under the presidency of the King of Prussia, as Emperor. The Emperor represents the Federation in all its international relations, has alone the power of declaring war and of making alliances and other conventions with foreign states, and of accrediting and receiving diplomatic envoys. The legislative power of the empire is exercised by a Federal Council, consisting of fifty-eight members, nominated in a fixed proportion by the different states, Prussia, including Hanover, Hesse, and Holstein, having seventeen members; and by the Reichstag, consisting of 397 members, elected by universal suffrage. The administrative powers of the Empire are vested in the Federal Council, which is divided into seven permanent commissions for this purpose, dealing with the various subjects reserved for it: namely, the army, navy, customs, commerce, railways, postal and telegraph service, justice, &c. There is, however, nothing in the nature of ministerial responsibility to the Reichstag. Cabinet Government such as we have is unknown. The Federal Council is practically under the control of the King of Prussia, and his personal will, guided by Prince Bismarck, is the guiding spirit of the Federation.

It will be seen that the various states-whose autonomy is preserved for many important purposes, and whose separate Courts and representative institutions are retained-are reduced to the position of members of a federation, not dissimilar to that of the United States of America. Their reserved powers are not more important than those of the separate States of the Union; while

the Emperor may be properly described as occupying a position not different from that of the President of the United States, save that his position is permanent and hereditary, in lieu of being elected every four years.

Prussia, it will be seen, largely predominates in the Empire. It is many times larger than any of the other states. It is composed itself of many disjecta membra of the old Germanic Confederation, having formerly a separate existence, with the addition of provinces obtained by conquest or fraud, such as Silesia, Posen, and Holstein. It has found it necessary to concede local representative institutions to these provinces: to the Rhine provinces, to Westphalia, to Hanover, and to others. No such local institutions, however, have been accorded to the Polish province of Posen. The Poles are represented in the Prussian Landtag, where in the popular chamber their members form a discordant element, not dissimilar, in their spirit of hostility to the Prussian Government, to the Irish Nationalist members in the British House of Commons. The power of the Prussian Government over its Polish province, and its methods of dealing with a dependent nationality, are best evidenced by its recent measures, banishing from the territory many thousands of Poles who were not actually natives of the province, and replacing them by Germans who are under the obligation to intermarry only with people of their own race. Since the plantation of Ulster, there has been nothing in Europe to which such action can be compared.

The position of Alsace and Lorraine is a somewhat peculiar one. Since their conquest from France they have formed a part of the German Empire, and are represented in the Reichstag, but not in the Federal Council. The government, administrative and legislative, of this province was committed to the Emperor, controlled, however, in respect of matters reserved by the Constitution of the Empire, by the Federal Council. In 1877 and 1879 an attempt was made to give something of autonomy to the province. The Emperor was empowered to delegate his authority to a governor. A local Council of State was instituted, consisting of certain State functionaries, and of eight or ten other members, three of whom are elected by the delegates of the province, and the others nominated by the Emperor. The Delegation, consisting of fifty-eight members elected by the people, is limited to the right of suggesting legislation for the province which does not infringe on the powers of the Federal Council, and of forwarding to the Ministers any petitions which may be addressed to it. A certain advance has therefore been made to autonomy, which, considering the hostile attitude of its population to Germany, is significant. The position of the province seems to be not dissimilar to that of Ireland before 1782.

When we turn to Austria we find the same practical results arrived

at from a different starting-point. The movement of the present century has been of a centrifugal character. The Austro-Hungarian Empire consists, it need scarcely be remarked, of the most varied and heterogeneous collection of nationalities and populations, of different races, religions, habits, and traditions, which could possibly be gathered together. This composite empire, held together so long by force, was aggregated not so much by conquest as by the fortunate alliances of the Hapsburg family and by skilful diplomacy. The titles of the Emperor indicate the many sources of his sovereignty. He is King of Hungary, and as such King of Croatia and Transylvania; he is King of Bohemia, Dalmatia and Galicia; Archduke of Austria and Cracow ; Duke of Styria, Silesia, Carinthia, Saltzburg and Bukowine; Margrave of Moravia and Istria; Count of the Tyrol, Gortz and Gradevia; and each of these titles represents some merged or suppressed state formerly independent, and with separate traditions, and often of distinct race.

The natural impulse of a power thus constituted and held together by military force, controlled and guided by a dominant race such as the Germans, was towards despotism and centralisation. The various component parts of the Empire had, previous to their incorporation, separate and generally national administrations, and distinctive laws. Where the union was effected by conquest the separate administration was naturally incompatible with the new condition. In all, the separate institutions were discouraged, and were allowed to fall into decay; and every effort was made by the central power, with the best of motives, to assimilate the laws of the various provinces, to centralise powers, and to suppress national and indigenous institutions, which were held to be opposed to the existence and safety of the empire. This method was only in accord with the tendencies which everywhere existed in Europe at the time, and for which the example had been set by the centralising policy through centuries of the French monarchy. The Empress Maria Theresa and Joseph the Second pursued these objects with great activity. The Austrian statesmen hoped to force the union of their dependent Czechs, Sclovaks, Ruthenes, Poles, Magyars, Croats, Roumanians, and Italians, in the same manner as the French had done in the case of Normans, Bretons, Burgundians, and Provençals.

From the union of Hungary with Austria, in 1526, a continuous effort was made to reduce the former to the position of a mere province of the empire. The Hungarian Constitution was one of the most ancient in Europe, dating back from 1222, six years later only than the Magna Charta of England. In support of this Constitution and of their national institutions the Hungarians opposed a stubborn resistance, which in 1848 broke out into open rebellion against the empire.

This, with the aid of Russia, was put down, and for twenty years Hungary was subjected to the despotic rule of Austria. In 1860 it was attempted by the Emperor to carry constitutional reforms for the whole empire, and to preserve its administrative and legislative integrity, by conceding to it one representative assembly, in which all the component parts of the empire should be represented. Hungary refused this concession and declined to send its representatives to this Imperial Diet. Other parts of the empire followed this example, and the Emperor was at last compelled to abandon the attempt at unification of his various states, and finally conceded to Hungary the utmost of its demands, and established what is known as the dualism of the empire. For Hungary this change involved a restitution of its ancient Constitution-the re-establishment of its autonomy as a kingdom, united to Austria only by the Sovereign. Its laws and administration are entirely distinct. Its system of taxation is a separate one. Certain specified objects, however, of an imperial character, such as the army, navy, foreign affairs and finance, are withdrawn from the consideration of both the Austrian and Hungarian Diets, and are submitted to delegations of both of these bodies, each of which consists of sixty members, and which sit separately, meeting together only for the purpose of voting and not of discussion, when they find it impossible to come to previous agreement.. There is, therefore, absolute equality between Hungary and Austria, in spite of their unequal population and wealth. The delegations have no power of voting money, and every important act of the empire is consequently dependent on the joint action and agreement of the two kingdoms. Such an arrangement differs from any other known constitution. It has inherent weakness, which must at some critical time show itself and lead perhaps to disaster. It is obvious that such a relation cannot be a model for any other power, least of all for countries so unequal in population and strength as Great Britain and Ireland.

More reason is there to draw analogy and experience from the relations of Austria proper and her dependent provinces in the Cisleithan Empire, and of Hungary and her dependencies. The fifteen different provinces of Austria, each of them representing some ancient state with historic traditions, and often different race, have been accorded since 1861 provincial representative institutions of a wide character. The principal of these are Bohemia with a population of 5,560,000, Galicia 5,958,000, Lower Austria 2,300,000, Moravia 2,150,000, Styria 912,000, Upper Austria 750,000. It will be observed that these provinces are of very unequal size and importance. They are not formed on the principle of equal areas for administrative convenience, but have followed ancient landmarks.

The Landtags of these provinces are composed partly of members

nominated from the class of large proprietors and of Catholic archbishops and bishops, and partly of elected members.

There can be no doubt that these local assemblies have done much to give contentment to the people and to appease their national sentiments. In some parts, and especially in Bohemia, there is agitation for the concession of greater autonomy. It is interesting, however, to compare the condition of Austrian Poland (Galicia), with this amount of local representation based on nationality, with that of Prussian Poland, where no local institutions are tolerated, and where an exception is made against that province as compared with other Prussian provinces. Galicia, while retaining some national aspirations, is fairly content and is loyal to the Austrian rule, while Posen is thoroughly disaffected to its Prussian masters.

More interesting still and more worthy of attention is the Constitution which has been conceded by Hungary to its Slav dependency Croatia; and especially interesting is it as the most recent experiment in this direction, and as the work of one of the greatest of modern statesmen, namely Deák. Croatia bears to Hungary about the same relative proportions as Ireland to England, its population being two millions, while that of Hungary is fifteen millions. It was from very ancient times united to Hungary under the crown of St. Stephen, but as a separate kingdom with complete autonomy. In the centralising tendencies of the Austrian and Hungarian rulers every effort was made to merge its national existence, sometimes in that of Hungary and sometimes in that of the Austrian empire. So bitter was the feeling of its people against Hungary on this score that in the Hungarian rebellion of 1848, they joined with the Austrians against the Hungarians, and marched an army to Pesth. They gained little by this action, for the Austrians as little respected their autonomy as had the Hungarians, and for twenty years they were governed despotically from Vienna, without regard to their local liberties and ancient rights. When in 1867 a settlement was made between Austria and Hungary, it was recognised by the former that Croatia was a dependency of Hungary; and Deák and the statesmen who had achieved the practical independence of their own country were prepared to make large concessions to Croatia. A Constitution conceding autonomy was given to Croatia and was legalised by the Hungarian and Croatian Diets--one which is well worthy of study with a view to the Irish question. The Constitution takes the form of an agreement or compromise between the people of the two

countries.

It provides that the common affairs of Hungary and Croatia shall be managed by the Hungarian Diet, to which the Croatian Diets shall send a delegation of thirteen members to the Chamber of Magnates, and forty deputies to the Chamber of Deputies. Croatia