Am requested by my Ministers to state that they feel (aggrieved that, though Colonial Office, knowing of Samoan Petition, wired that representations of my Government will be fully considered, assurances were exchanged between England and Germany that independence of Samca would be respected; also that proceedings of German Consul direct breach of such assurance.

Piteous indeed is Malietoa's position. Forced by German authority to enter into a treaty 14 which binds him to violate his treaty of friendship with Great Britain, and compels him to grant to Germans rights, privileges, and authority in excess of those accorded to English subjects, he appeals to England for protection, yet months go by and no answer comes to his petition. Diplomatic communications take place between the Courts of Germany and Great Britain in which Malietoa's conduct is made the bone of contention. German officials accuse him of violating their treaty, without rhyme or reason. English officials dilly-dally and shilly-shally, but do nothing. Meanwhile the Germans go on increasing their possessions in Samoa and pushing their influence with the natives, till at last the crisis comes. Malietoa is dethroned, and, according to the latest news from Samoa, has fled for safety to Savaii. Here then we have another blow dealt to British prestige in latitudes where our countrymen have ventured their lives to obtain a footing.

The German Consul, exasperated at what had been done without his knowledge, hoisted the German flag at the seat of government, and had it protected with a 'fort.' When asked why he had hoisted the German flag, he replied,' As a reprisal for Malietoa's insolence. He also refused to allow the native flag to be hoisted and, aided by Mr. Weber, tried to upset the Government.

In this attempt he was successful, and on the 19th of January, 1885, Tamasese and his party sent a circular note to the Consuls, informing them they had separated from Malietoa, and established. the Government of Samoa at Leulumoenga.'

A few weeks later Captain Acland arrived in H.M.S.' Miranda,' but, notwithstanding a request made to him by the Consuls of Great Britain and the United States to suppress the rebellion, he declined to move in the matter unless the German Consul joined in the application. This Dr. Stübel refused to do, and so the Miranda' departed, leaving the German flag still flying at the seat of government.

That the natives now desire annexation by England is certain. That they did so fifteen years ago is clearly shown by Mr. Seed's remarks in his Report to the New Zealand Government before referred to.

But more important than the subject of annexation at the present moment is the duty of the English Government to protect Malietoa and secure Safata harbour, S. W. of Upolu, as a coaling station.

14 See Article ii. of Treaty of Friendship quoted above.

The Americans are in control of Pangopango and the Germans have practically secured Saluafata, and maintain a hold on Apia both on paper and at the place itself, where they have erected numerous warehouses, &c., while the land around Sanga harbour is also mortgaged to Germans.

The fact that Samoa is in the direct highway to New Zealand and only 630 miles from Suva, the chief port of Fiji, is one that should not be lost sight of by those who are responsible for the administration of our foreign and colonial affairs.

The present troubles in Samoa are to a very large extent due to the desire of German merchants to make their power felt by the natives, and now that Prince Bismarck has stated his intention to adhere to the principle he enunciated last year when he said that the German flag shall only go where German trade has already established a footing, a fresh incentive is afforded to German traders in these islands to make their power paramount.

15

The report circulated in Berlin and London a few days since that, according to the view of the Hamburg merchants, the best solution of the present difficulty is for England to take over Savaii; Germany Upolu (with Apia) and America Tutuila (with Pangopango), is the very worst thing that could happen for British interests in Samoa, and would be practically ceding to Germany all she desires. Savaii, as I have already pointed out, is absolutely worthless. It is the poorest island of the three, so far as soil is concerned, and has no harbour. Upolu is out and away the best island to possess, both commercially and politically. It possesses three good harbours, and has long been the seat of government. The adoption of any such scheme means good-bye to English and Colonial trade in Samoa for ever, unless transacted through German merchants.

So long as mercantile influence is allowed to over-ride that of native government, so long will chaos and confusion reign in Samoa.

Annexation by either England, America, or Germany is not probable while the present treaties between these three nations and Samoa continue in force, but some more authoritative form of government will have to come into being in Samoa if law and order are to be maintained.

What I suggest and what I have good reason to believe would not be distasteful to the natives themselves, is for the English, German, and American Governments respectively to send out, in addition to their consular representative, some man of high standing, possessing the requisite tact and experience, to act in council in aiding the Samoans to form a native Government, and at the same time to watch the interests, political and commercial, of their own nations.

15 See report of General Caprivi's statements in the German Budget, Berlin, 18th January, 1886.

The best form of native government that would be able to rule the country and maintain its position with foreign Powers, is that which was in existence when Steinberger arrived in Samoa-a House of Representatives and a House of Nobles, with two Kings possessing joint power. C. KINLOCH COOKE.

ALTERNATIVE POLICIES IN IRELAND.

Up to the middle of last December, the question of Irish Home Rule had been little discussed in Great Britain. People were familiar with the name, but had not seriously considered the thing. Those who sat in the last Parliament and watched the steady growth and consolidation of the Nationalist party there knew that a crisis was coming. That party was kept at bay: Coercion Bills passed in its teeth, measures which it demanded refused; but the danger drew nearer all the while as a thunder-cloud rises against the wind. The country, however, did not realise what was passing. Wonderfully little was said on the subject at the general election, for the electors were occupied with English or Scottish topics, and those candidates who best knew the gravity of the problem distrusted their own capacity to solve it. The consequence is that the demand for an Irish Parliament now preferred by Ireland through eighty-five out of one hundred and three members comes upon England with the shock of surprise, and startles her people out of that coolness with which they commonly conduct their discussions. We are flurried and perplexed; we see difficulties start up on all sides, and do not see how to thread our way among them. The newspaper debates of the past six weeks, while throwing full light on some parts of the question, have left others in shadow, and though the country has been warned of the many dangers incident to a scheme of Home Rule, that scheme has not been considered as a whole, nor have the other alternative policies been worked out in their consequences, and set beside the Home Rule project for dispassionate comparison. There seems, therefore, to be room for attempting such a working-out and comparison, with a view, not to the advocacy of any particular policy, but to the just comprehension of what each policy requires for its success and involves as its result. Advocacy is premature, for this reason, that one condition necessary for a decision between the possible courses has not yet been fulfilled. We do not know what form of the vague thing called Home Rule the Nationalist party desires or would accept in satisfaction of its demand. Till we do know, we can neither reject nor entertain that demand. Nevertheless, even though the time be not ripe for a final decision, certain leading features of the several competing policies may be set forth, and

certain propositions submitted on which Englishmen of all parties may find themselves able to agree. To discover agreement on some points clears the way for the discussion of others. It is this which the present article proposes to attempt. It will keep altogether clear of politics and persons, resisting even the temptation to compare the speeches of Mr. Gibson in Opposition with the conduct of Lord Ashbourne in power.

The difficulty which confronts us is twofold, and it is of the utmost consequence to keep in view both its sides and the distinction between them. One side is the parliamentary problem. We have to secure--I might say, to restore the efficiency of the Imperial Parliament as the means of conducting the government of Britain, her colonies and dependencies. The other side is the problem of Irish administration. If Ireland is to continue directly subject to the Imperial Parliament, the Imperial Parliament must secure life and property, must enforce the payment of rent and fulfilment of other contracts, punish crime, and protect peaceable citizens. If it is removed from the immediate control of Parliament, some means must be provided for making it the interest of whoever becomes responsible for the government of the island to make that government strong and just.

Further, whatever solution is proposed for either side of the problem, but especially for that of Irish administration, ought to have a prospect of permanence. For the last ten years we have been resisting Irish parliamentary obstruction by a series of make-shift expedients, which have injured the tone of the British Parliament, lowered its dignity in the eyes of the country, furnished mischievous precedents for the future, and yet after all have not prevented a deplorable waste of precious time and strength.

Every kind

For eighty-five years we have been grappling with the forces of disaffection and disorder in Ireland. Every kind of coercion has been tried. There have been two insurrections; but far more serious than an open insurrection is the fact that during the whole period a state of war has existed between the mass of the people on the one side, the government and the landlords on the other. What the law calls crimes, the people regard as legitimate acts of war. of coercion has been tried and has failed. No statesmanship is worth the name that can contemplate the continuance of such a position. No proposal ought to be accepted which does not give a hope of its removal. The good fortune which has kept us out of wars with our European neighbours in which Irish rebellion might have proved dangerous may not always protect us from the natural consequences of our own vacillation and want of skill. Augustus used to say, speaking of his situation at Rome, that he held a wolf by the ears: it was equally dangerous to hold on or to let go. We have been holding the Irish wolf all this century. Suppose while we hold him