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of God himself, is fitter to be named for honour's sake to other lawgivers, than to be numbered or ranked amongst them. Minos, Lycurgus, and Solon, are examples for themes of grammar scholars. For ancient personages and characters, now-a-days, use to wax children again; though that parable of Pindarus be true, the best thing is water: for common and trivial things are many times the best, and rather despised upon pride, because they are vulgar, than upon cause or use. Certain it is, that the laws of those three lawgivers had great prerogatives. The first, of fame, because they were the pattern amongst the Grecians: the second of lasting, for they continued longest without alteration: the third, of a spirit of reviver, to be often oppressed, and often restored.

Amongst the seven kings of Rome four were lawgivers: for it is most true, that a discourser of Italy saith; "there was never state so well swaddled in the infancy, as the Roman was by the virtue of their first kings; which was a principal cause of the wonderful growth of that state in after-times."

The decemvirs' laws were laws upon laws, not the original; for they grafted laws of Græcia upon the Roman stock of laws and customs: but such was their success, as the twelve tables which they compiled were the main body of the laws which framed and wielded the great body of that estate.

age that followed his times for five successions. to the Hebrews, because he was the scribe But, kings, by giving their subjects good laws, may, if they will, in their own time, join and graft this golden head upon their own necks after their death. Nay, they may make Nabuchodonozor's image of monarchy golden from head to foot. And, if any of the meaner sort of politics, that are sighted only to see the worst of things, think, that laws are but cobwebs, and that good princes will do well without them, and bad will not stand much upon them; the discourse is neither good nor wise. For certain it is, that good laws are some bridle to bad princes, and as a very wall about government. And, if tyrants sometimes make a breach into them, yet they mollify even tyranny itself, as Solon's laws did the tyranny of Pisistratus and then commonly they get up again, upon the first advantage of better times. Other means to perpetuate the memory and merits of sovereign princes are inferior to this. Buildings of temples, tombs, palaces, theatres, and the like, are honourable things, and look big upon posterity but Constantine the Great gave the name well to those works, when he used to call Trajan, that was a great builder, Parietaria, wallflower, because his name was upon so many walls: so, if that be the matter, that a king would turn wall-flower, or pellitory of the wall, with cost he may. Adrian's vein was better, for his mind was to wrestle a fall with time; and being a great progressor through all the Roman empire, whenever he found any decays of bridges, or highways, or cuts of rivers and sewers, or walls, or banks, or the like, he gave substantial order for their repair with the better. He gave, also, multitudes of charters, and liberties for the comfort of corporations and companies in decay: so that his bounty did strive with the ruins of time. But yet this, though it were an excellent disposition, went but in effect to the cases and shells of a commonwealth. It was nothing to virtue or vice. A bad man might indifferently take the benefit and ease of his ways and bridges, as well as a good; and bad people might purchase good charters. Surely the better works of perpetuity in princes are those that wash the inside of the cup; such as are foundations of colleges, and lectures for learning and education of youth; likewise foundations and institutions of orders and fraternities, for nobleness, enterprise, and obedience, and the like. But yet these also are but like plantations of orchards and gardens, in plots and spots of ground here and there; they do not till over the whole kingdom, and make it fruitful, as doth the establishing of good laws and ordinances; which makes a whole nation to be as a well-ordered college or foundation.

This kind of work, in the memory of times, is rare enough to show it excellent: and yet, not so rare, as to make it suspected for impossible, inconvenient, or unsafe. Moses, that gave laws

These lasted a long time, with some supplementals and the Pretorian edicts "in albo;" which were, in respect of laws, as writing tables in respect of brass; the one to be put in and out, as the other is permanent. Lucius Cornelius Sylla reformed the laws of Rome: for that man had three singularities, which never tyrant had but he; that he was a lawgiver, that he took part with the nobility, and that he turned private man, not upon fear, but upon confidence.

Cæsar long after desired to imitate him only in the first, for otherwise he relied upon new men; and for resigning his power Seneca describeth him right; "Cæsar gladium cito condidit, nunquam posuit," "Cæsar soon sheathed his sword, but never put it off." And himself took it upon him, saying in scorn of Sylla's resignation; "Sylla nescivit literas, dictare non potuit," "Sylla knew no letters, he could not dictate." But for the part of a lawgiver, Cicero giveth him the attribute; "Cæsar, si ab eo quæreretur, quid egisset in toga; leges se respondisset multas et præclaras tulisse;" "If you had asked Cæsar what he did in the gown, he would have answered, that he made many excellent laws." His nephew Augustus did tread the same steps, but with deeper print, because of his long reign in peace; whereof one of the poets of his time saith,

"Pace data terris, animum ad civilia vertit Jura suum; legesque tulit justissimus auctor." From that time there was such a race of wit and

authority, between the commentaries and de- | my opinion of them without partiality either to my cisions of the lawyers, and the edicts of the em- profession or country, for the matter and nature of perors, as both law and lawyers, were out of them, I hold them wise, just, and moderate laws : breath. Whereupon, Justinian in the end recom- they give to God, they give to Cæsar, they give to piled both, and made a body of laws such as the subject, what appertaineth. It is true they are might be wielded, which himself calleth glori- as mixed as our language; compounded of British, ously, and yet not above truth, the edifice or Roman, Saxon, Danish, Norman customs: and, structure of a sacred temple of justice, built in- surely, as our language is thereby so much the deed out of the former ruins of books, as materials, richer, so our laws are likewise by that mixture and some novel constitutions of his own. the more complete.

In Athens, they had sexviri, as Eschines observeth, which were standing commissioners, who did watch to discern what laws waxed improper for the times, and what new law did in any branch cross a former law, and so "ex officio" propounded their repeal.

Neither doth this attribute less to them, than those that would have them to have stood out the same in all mutations. For no tree is so good first set, as by transplanting and grafting. I remember what happened to Callisthenes, that followed Alexander's court, and was grown into some dis

King Edgar collected the laws of this king-pleasure with him, because he could not well brook dom, and gave them the strength of a fagot the Persian adoration. At a supper, which with bound, which formerly were dispersed; which was more glory to him, than his sailing about this island with a potent fleet: for that was, as the Scripture saith, "via navis in mari," "the way of a ship in the sea;" it vanished, but this lasteth. Alphonso the Wise, the ninth of that name, King of Castile, compiled the digest of the laws of Spain, entitled the "Siete Partidas ;" an excellent work, which he finished in seven years. And as Tacitus noteth well, that the Capitol, though built in the beginnings of Rome; yet was fit for the great monarchy that came after; so that building of laws sufficeth the greatness of the empire of Spain, which since hath ensued.

Lewis XI. had it in his mind, though he performed it not, to have made one constant law of France, extracted out of the civil Roman law, and the customs of provinces, which are various, and the king's edicts, which with the French are statutes. Surely he might have done well, if, like as he brought the crown, as he said himself, from Page, so he had brought his people from Lackey; not to run up and down for their laws to the civil law, and the ordinances, and the customs, and the discretions of courts, and discourses of philosophers, as they use to do.

King Henry VIII., in the twenty-seventh year of his reign, was authorized by parliament to nominate thirty-two commissioners, part ecclesiastical, and part temporal, to purge the canon law, and to make it agreeable to the law of God, and the law of the land; but it took not effect: for the acts of that king were commonly rather proffers and fames, than either well grounded, or well pursued: but, I doubt, I err in producing so many examples. For, as Cicero said to Cæsar, so I may say to your majesty, "Nil vulgare te dignum videri possit. Though, indeed, this, well understood, is far from vulgar: for that the laws of the most kingdoms and states have been like buildings of many pieces, and patched up from time to time according to occasions, without frame or model.

Now for the laws of England, if I shall speak

the Grecians was a great part talk, he was desired, the king being present, because he was an eloquent man, to speak of some theme, which he did; and chose for his theme, the praise of the Macedonian nation, which though it were but a filling thing to praise men to their faces, yet he performed it with such advantage of truth, and avoidance of flattery, and with such life, as was much applauded by the hearers. The king was the less pleased with it, not loving the man, and by way of discountenance said: It was easy to be a good orator in a pleasing theme. "But," saith he to him, "turn your style, and tell us now of our faults, that we may have the profit, and not you the praise only;" which he presently did with such quickness, that Alexander said, That malice made him eloquent then, as the theme had done before. I shall not fall into either of these extremes, in this subject of the laws of England; I have commended them before for the matter, but surely they ask much amendment for the form; which to reduce and perfect, I hold to be one of the greatest dowries that can be conferred upon this kingdom: which work, for the excellency, as it is worthy your majesty's act and times, so it hath some circumstance of propriety agreeable to your person. God hath blessed your majesty with posterity, and I am not of opinion that kings that are barren are fittest to supply perpetuity of generations by perpetuity of noble acts; but, contrariwise, that they that leave posterity are the more interested in the care of future times; that as well their progeny, as their people, may participate of their merit.

Your majesty is a great master in justice and judicature, and it were pity the fruit of that your virtue should not be transmitted to the ages to come. Your majesty also reigneth in learned times, the more, no doubt, in regard of your own perfection in learning, and your patronage thereof. And it hath been the mishap of works of this nature, that the less learned time hath, sometimes, wrought upon the more learned, which now will not be so. As for myself, the law was my profession, to

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IT MAY PLEASE YOUR SACRED MAJESTY,

WITH the first free time from your majesty's service of more present dispatch, I have perused the projects of Sir Stephen Proctor, and do find it a collection of extreme diligence and inquisition, and more than I thought could have met in one man's knowledge. For, though it be an easy matter to run over many offices and professions, and to note in them general abuses or deceits; yet, nevertheless, to point at and trace out the particular and covert practices, shifts, devices, tricks, and, as it were, stratagems in the meaner sort of the ministers of justice or public service, and to do it truly and understandingly, is a discovery whereof great good use may be made for your majesty's service and good of your people. But because this work, I doubt not, hath been to the gentleman the work of years, whereas my certificate must be the work but of hours or days, and that it is commonly and truly said, that he that embraceth much, straineth and holdeth the less, and that propositions have wings, but operation and execution have leaden feet: I most humbly desire pardon of your majesty, if I do for the present only select some one or two principal points, and certify my opinion thereof; reserving the rest as a sheaf by me to draw out, at further time, further matter for your majesty's information for so much as I shall conceive to be fit or worthy the consideration.

For that part, therefore, of these projects which concerneth penal laws, I do find the purpose and scope to be, not to press a greater rigour or severity in the execution of penal laws; but to repress the abuses in common informers, and some clerks and under-ministers, that for common gain partake with them for if it had tended to

the other point, I for my part should be very far from advising your majesty to give ear unto it. For, as it is said in the psalm, "If thou, Lord, should be extreme to mark what is done amiss, who may abide it?" So it is most certain, that your people is so ensnared in a multitude of penal laws, that the execution of them cannot be borne. And, as it followeth; "But with thee is mercy, that thou mayest be feared :" so it is an intermixture of mercy and justice that will bring you fear and obedience: for too much rigour makes people desperate. And, therefore, to leave this, which was the only blemish of King Henry VII.'s reign, and the unfortunate service of Empson and Dudley, whom the people's curses, rather than any law, brought to overthrow; the other work is a work not only of profit to your majesty, but of piety towards your people. For, if it be true in any proportion, that within these five years of your majesty's happy reign, there hath not five hundred pounds benefit come to your majesty by penal laws, the fines of the Star Chamber, which are of a higher kind, only excepted, and yet, nevertheless, there hath been a charge of at least fifty thousand pounds, which hath been laid upon your people, it were more than time it received a remedy.

This remedy hath been sought by divers statutes, as principally by a statute in 18, and another of 31, of the late queen of happy memory. But I am of opinion, that the appointing of an officer proper for that purpose, will do more good than twenty statutes, and will do that good effectually, which these statutes aim at intentionally.

And this I do allow of the better, because it is none of those new superintendencies, which I see many times offered upon pretence of reformation,

as if judges did not their duty, or ancient and sworn officers did not their duty, and the like: but it is only to set a custos or watchman, neither over judges nor clerks, but only over a kind of people that cannot be sufficiently watched or overlooked, and that is, the common promoters or informers: the very awe and noise whereof will do much good, and the practice much more.

I will, therefore, set down first, what is the abuse or inconvenience, and then what is the remedy which may be expected from the industry of this officer. And, I will divide it into two parts, the one, for that, that may concern the ease of your people, for with that will I crave leave to begin, as knowing it to be principal in your majesty's intention, and the other for that that may concern your majesty's benefit.

Concerning the ease of his majesty's subjects,
polled and vexed by common informers.
The abuses or inconve-

niences.

1. An informer exhibits an information, and in that one information he will put a hundred several subjects of this information. Every one shall take out copies, and every one shall put in his several answer. This will cost perhaps a hundred marks: that done, no further proceeding. But the clerks have their fees, and the informer hath his dividend for bringing the water to the mill.

It is to be noted, that this vexation is not met with by any statute. For it is no composition, but a discontinuance; and in that case there is no penalty, but costs: and the poor subject will never sue for his costs, lest it awake the informer to revive his information, and so it escapeth clearly.

2. Informers receive pensions of divers persons to forbear them. And this is commonly of principal offenders, and of the wealthiest sort of tradesinen. For

if one tradesman may
presume to break the
law, and another not, he
will be soon richer than
his fellows. As, for ex-
ample, if one draper
may use tenters, be-
cause he is in fee with
an informer, and others
not, he will soon out-
strip the good trades-
man that keeps the law.

And, if it be thought
strange that any man
should seek his peace
by one informer, when
he lieth open to all, the
experience is otherwise:
for one informer will
bear with the friend of
another, looking for the

The remedies by the in-like measures.
dustry of the officer.
And, besides, they
1. The officer by his have devices to get pri-
diligence finding this ority of information, and
case, is to inform the to put in an information
court thereof, who there- "de bene esse," to pre-
upon may grant good vent others, and to pro-
costs against the infor-tect their pensioners.
mer, to every of the sub-
jects vexed: and withal
not suffer the same in-
former to revive his in-
formation against any
of them; and, lastly,
fine him, as for a mis-
demeanor and abuse of
justice: and by that
time a few of such ex-
amples be made, they
will be soon weary of
that practice.

2. This is an abuse that appeareth not by any proceeding in court, because it is before suit commenced, and therefore requireth a particular inquiry.

And if it be said this is a pillory matter to the informer, and therefore he will not attempt it; although therein the statute is a little doubtful: yet if hanging will not keep thieves from stealing, it is not pillory will keep informers from polling.

And, herein, Sir Stephen addeth a notable circumstance: that they will peruse a trade, as of brewers or victuallers, and if any stand out, and will not be in fee, they will find means to have a dozen informations come upon him at once.

3. The subject is often for the same offence vexed by several informations: sometimes the oneinformernotknowing of the other; and often by confederacy, to weary the party with charge: upon every of which goeth process, and of

But when it shall be the care and cogitation of one man to overlook informers, these things are easily discovered: for let him but look who they be that the informer calls in question, and hearken who are of the same trade in the same place and are spared, and it will be easy to trace a bargain.

In this case, having discovered the abuse, he ought to inform the barons of the exchequer, and the king's learned counsel, that by the Star Chamber, or otherwise, such taxers of the king's subjects may be punished.

3. The officer keeping a book of all the informations put in, with a brief note of the matter, may be made acquainted with all informations to come in: and if he find a precedent for the same cause, he may inform some of

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The abuses are inconveni

ences.

1. After an information is exhibited and answered, for so the statute requires, the informer for the most part groweth to composition with the defendant; which he cannot do without peril of the statute, except he have license from the court, which license he ought to return by order and course of the court, together with a declaration upon his oath of the true sum that he takes for the composition. Upon which license so returned, the court is to tax a fine for the king.

This ought to be, but as it is now used, the license is seldom returned. And although it contain a clause that the license shall be void, if it be not duly returned; yet the manner is to suggest that they are still in terms of composition, and so to obtain new days, and to linger it on till a Parliament and a pardon come.

Also, when the license is returned, and thereupon the judge or baron to sesse a fine; there is none for the king to inform them of the nature of the offence; of the value to

The remedies.

1. The officer in this

point is to perform his greatest service to the king, in soliciting for the king in such sort as licenses be duly returned, the deceits of these fraudulent compositions discovered, and fines may be set for the king in some good proportion, having respect to the values both of the matter and the person for the king's fines are not to be delivered, as moneys given by the party, "ad redimendam vexationem," but as moneys given "ad redimendam culpam et pænam legis;" and ought to be in such quantity, as may not make the laws altogether trampled down and contemned. Therefore the officer ought first to be made acquainted with every license, that he may have an eye to the sequel of it: then ought he to be the person that ought to prefer unto the judges or barons, as well the bills for the taxations of the fines, as the orders for giving further days, to the end that the court may be duly informed both of the weight of causes, and the delays therein used; and, lastly, he is to see that the fines sessed, be

grow to the king if the suit prevail; of the ability of the person, and the like. By reason whereof, the fine that is set is but a trifle, as 20, 30, or 40s., and it runs in a form likewise, which I do not well like for it is "ut parcatur misis," which purporteth, as if the party did not any way submit himself, and take the composition as of grace of the court, but as if he did justify himself, and were content to give a trifle to avoid charge.

Which point of form hath a shrewd consequence: for it is some ground that the fine is set too weak.

And as for the informer's oath touching his composition, which is commonly a trifle, and is the other ground of the smallness of the fine, it is, no doubt, taken with an equivocation: as taking such a sum in name of a composition, and some greater matter by some indirect or collateral mean.

Also, these fines, light as they be, are seldom answered and put in process.

2. An information goeth on to trial, and passeth for the king. In this case of recovery, the informer will be satisfied, and will take his whole moiety, for that he accounts to be no composition: that done, none will be at charge to return the "postea," and to procure judgment and execution for the king. For the informer hath that he sought for, the clerks will do nothing without fees paid, which,

duly put in process, and answered.

2. The officer is to follow for the king, that the "posteas" be returned.

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