The Constitutional History of England from 1760 to 1860Harper & brothers, 1882 - 460 sider |
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abolition administration admitted adopted affirmed appointment arguments assertion authority avowed boroughs British Cabinet carried Chancellor character Church clause Colonies Constitution Crown debate declared denied denounced doctrine Duke Duke of Wellington duty election enacted England English equally established exercise existing favour feeling George George III Government Grattan Grenville Hist House of Commons House of Lords importance India influence Ireland Irish Parliament judgement King King's kingdom legislation Lord Camden Lord Campbell Lord John Russell Lord Liverpool Lord Mansfield Lord Melbourne Lord North Lord Rockingham Lord Shelburne Majesty majority marriage measure ment Ministry nation object occasion opinion Opposition Parlia Parliamentary party passed Peel peerages Peers Pitt Pitt's political practice precedent prerogative present Prime Minister Prince principle privileges proposed Queen question refused regarded Regent reign repeal resolution Roman Catholic Royal Secretary session Sovereign speech tion trade Union vote Wilkes
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Side 111 - That it is now necessary to declare that, to report any opinion, or pretended opinion, of his majesty, upon any bill, or other proceeding, depending in either House of Parliament, with a view to influence the votes of the members, is a high crime and misdemeanor, derogatory to the honour of the crown, a breach of the fundamental privileges of Parliament, and subversive of the constitution of this country.
Side 70 - Taxation is no part of the governing or legislative power. The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the Commons alone. In legislation the three estates of the realm are alike concerned ; but the concurrence of the peers and the Crown to a tax is only necessary to clothe it with the form of a law. The gift and grant is of the Commons alone.
Side 79 - Whereas it is expedient that a revenue should be raised in your majesty's dominions in America, for making a more certain and adequate provision for defraying the charge of the administration of justice, and support of civil government, in such provinces where it shall be found necessary ; and towards further defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the said dominions.
Side 313 - That through a determined and persevering, but, at the same time, judicious and temperate enforcement of such measures, this House looks forward to a progressive improvement in the character of the slave population, such as may prepare them for a participation in those civil rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other classes of his majesty's subjects.
Side 69 - Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament assembled, had, hath, and of right ought to have, full Power and Authority to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient Force and Validity to bind the Colonies and People of America, Subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, in all cases whatsoever.
Side 75 - He made an administration, so checkered and speckled; he put together a piece of joinery, so crossly indented and whimsically dove-tailed; a cabinet so variously inlaid; such a piece of diversified Mosaic; such a tesselated pavement without cement; here a bit of black stone, and there a bit of white; patriots and courtiers, king's friends and republicans; whigs and tories; treacherous friends and open enemies : that it was indeed a very curious show; but utterly unsafe to touch, and unsure to stand...
Side 71 - England are represented; among nine millions of whom there are eight which have no votes in electing members of Parliament. Every objection, therefore, to the dependency of the colonies upon Parliament, which arises to it upon the ground of representation, goes to the whole present constitution of Great Britain; and I suppose it is not meant to new-model that too.
Side 288 - ... local prejudices ought to guide, but the general good, resulting from the general reason of the whole. You choose a member indeed ; but when you have chosen him he is not a member of Bristol, but he is a member of parliament.
Side 71 - A member of parliament, chosen for any borough, represents not only the constituents and inhabitants of that particular place, but he represents the inhabitants of every other borough in Great Britain. He represents the city of London, and all other the commons of this land, and the inhabitants of all the colonies and dominions of Great Britain, and is, in duty and conscience, bound to take care of their interests.
Side 109 - His Majesty allowed Earl Temple to say that whoever voted for the India Bill was not only not his friend, but would be considered by him as an enemy ; and if these words were not strong enough, Earl Temple might use whatever words he might deem stronger and more to the purpose.