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have no express mention of him until the beginning of the fifteenth century.*

Thus terminated this tragical and important crisis. We have thought right to lay it before our readers in some detail, particularly because it contains so many characteristic points, vividly picturing to us the manners of the age. Beside which, it went far toward deciding a fluctuating and contested state of things, and separates the history of Oxford into two ages.

75. Parallel events in Cambridge.

We have reason to believe that the course of things at Cambridge was not dissimilar, though every element was there developed in less power. In fact, she followed in the steps of Oxford, ever claiming by imitation, and claiming successfully, like privileges. Smaller conflicts there took place at this same time; but another generation passed, before the final crisis was brought about. This was towards the end of the century, when the great outbreak of the lower orders took place, against their lords in Church and State. In March 1381, a man named Grancester headed a mob of rioters in Cambridge, who killed several scholars and Masters, maltreated others, or dragged them to

*It must however be confessed that there are difficulties in the history of the powers extended to this office, which need to be cleared up.

prison. After they had committed much ravage after the pattern* of the Oxford tumult, though on a smaller scale, order was restored in a few days by very vigorous measures. The riotous state of the kingdom generally, urged the King to adopt these the more readily; and the result was, to carry the privileges of the University to the greatest possible extent.

§ 76. Permanent Ascendancy of the Universities.

Yet although we now enter on a new epoch of the University existence, it would be a great error to suppose the contests of the Gown and Town to be at an end. They continued to break out now and then, but chiefly when the whole fabric of the State or Church seemed to be tottering, in the various convulsions which followed. Indeed, legal doubts were afterwards stirred, as to the authority of the King to grant such privileges to the University. But the grand fact, that through the civil wars, in the Reformation, and in the counter Reformation, the academic privileges were never shaken, but were rather more and more consolidated, proves how firm a hold they had got, after the era of which we have been treating. Thus ;

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about the middle of the thirteenth century, the Chancellor obtained, in all essential matters, his fullest juridical authority, and in a century more, his fullest powers over the services of the police and military. All the privileges afterwards granted to him, however high-sounding, will be found to have been in practice either a mere confirmation, or a following out into some minor detail, of what was already in substance enjoyed.

In those ages, the question was not so much, What could the King grant? for in fact, what could he not grant,— upon parchment? but, What privileges could the grantees succeed in enforcing? Now from the middle of the fourteenth century, Oxford did succeed in enforcing her privileges; and herein consists the contrast of the latter epoch. We need hardly doubt why the new state of things was acquiesced in. The moral effect of the fatal affray may have lasted for a generation, and have allowed the sway of the University to become customary; after which, it probably was not felt to be oppressive, but rather beneficial to both parties; since it seems to have been really suited to the exigency of the case. And if occasional unfairness was felt, sensible men may well have perceived that it was unavoidable, and by far the less of two evils.

§ 77. Tranquillization of the Academic Population under a stable Oligarchy.

At the same time, the academic population was constantly becoming more tranquil, by decrease of numbers and by severer discipline: so that far less wanton exasperation was inflicted on the townsmen. The University fell under the rule of a sedate oligarchy, instead of a riotous democracy. Becoming possessed of landed estates and buildings of its own, numberless sources of contention with the Town were removed. The external dignity of wealth which gradually followed, elevated the gownsmen more and more over the Town, and made it seem only natural to pay them respect: for wealth every where claims such subordination, and nowhere receives it so surely as in England. In the Towns themselves similar changes occurred: for while the number of citizens decreased with that of the academicians, oligarchal and exclusive influences also prevailed in the corporation; and in this state of things it was far easier for the two bodies to come to an understanding: nor indeed did the University press the letter of its privileges against the Town, either as to the Police or as to the Market. The Chancellor even yielded the Night Watch into the hands of the Mayor; though (we

* Proof of this in detail will be in vain sought for in documents. Ingram, the latest Oxford Historian, to a certain extent supports the view I have given.

need not doubt) with a reservation of the power of the University to resume its rights. Thus, in one word, was formed the present state of things, which is held to work at least moderately well in the opinion of those most concerned.

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