ever occur a more favourable opportunity than the situation of Greece affords? And if prudence and policy conspire to prevent our government from endangering the peace of the nation by affording aid to the oppressed, which might compromit our neutrality, can any incentive be necessary to impel our citizens individually, when no motive of policy or prudence forbidsand every motive of benevolence and humanity impels-to contribute, from their superabundance, some trifle to alleviate the sufferings of their fellow men?

What a melancholy contrast Greece exhibits! No nation in the world, great or small, through its government, has afforded her the slightest aid, in meat, drink, clothes, men, money, ships, arms, or ammunition. Nearly the whole of the governments of Europe are deadly hostile to her-and some of them clandestinely afford aid to her enemies. It is undoubtedly true, that the wise, and the good, and the generous, and the just, and the humane, of the entire civilized world, feel a deep interest in her welfare; and, should she fall, will feelingly deplore her fate. But alas! all this sympathy, if multiplied a thousand fold, would not arrest the murderous career of a single horde of barbarous Egyptians. And it may be averred, as more than probable, that one or two French vessels brought more effective aid to the United States, in men, money, arms, and ammunition, than all the Philhellenists of the old and new world, have contributed to the aid of Greece in her six years' warfare, notwithstanding the strong feeling her interesting case has excited. She has, it is true, been enabled to borrow money from European capitalists-but alas! for the honour of human nature! "their tender mercies were cruelties;" for Shylock himself never loaned money at more usurious and devouring interest. "The net produce of the second loan for £2,000,000," says the Westminster Review, 66 was £1,046,000!!!" Vol. vi. p. 128. "Oh that I were a dog, that I might not call man my brother."

3. The Result of a Failure.

Had the United States unfortunately failed in their struggle, some twenty, thirty, or perhaps forty of the leaders would have been tried and executed as traitors. The rest of the nation would have been in perfect safety as to life and liberty. 3, 4, or 500,000 acres of land would have been confiscated-but the remainder of the landed property would have undergone little or no change of proprietors. After the havoc of war had

ceased, trial by jury would come into operation-female honour would be sacred-and, except in the article of taxation, property would be as secure as formerly, and affairs revert to nearly their old course.

Should Greece fall, what will be her situation? Alas! it is not matter of conjecture. The rivers of blood that flowed-the devouring flames that raged-the myriads of heroic Christians, sold in the market places, like beasts of burden, many of them Washingtons, Jeffersons, Vasas, Franklins, Hancocks, and Adamses-the brutal violation perpetrated on elegant females, which loudly called for the most pointed vengeance of heaven on the remorseless barbarian conquerors-at Scio, Cyprus, and Missalonghi-plainly point out the fate that impends with unerring certainty over the hapless Greeks, in the event of subjugation. Yet, while the greater part of the governments of the civilized nations of the new and old world are in league to arrest the African slave-trade, almost all look with heartless indifference on the more execrable slavery, and the slaughter, of one of the most heroic nations of ancient or modern times-for no nation ever maintained a more glorious struggle with barbarous oppressors, under such immense disadvantages.

Such are the heart-rending views under which appeals were made above eleven weeks since to the generosity and liberality of the citizens of Philadelphia, to afford aid to the old men, the women, and the children of this heroic nation, suffering under the aggravated horrors inflicted by an infuriate foe, and a want of the common necessaries of life. Never, since man began to oppress his fellow man, was there a case more loudly appealing to every sentiment honourable to human nature. The utmost confidence was felt, that such appeals would prove irresistible, and that the fund would amount to a sum honourable not only to the city of Philadelphia-but to human nature. And it must be acknowledged, they have, in many instances, proved successful, and the issue honourable to the parties. But it is equally true, that the general result in this city has fallen short of what might have been reasonably expected. The whole amount of the cash fund at present [March 1] is $11,177-of which only $5824 have been collected in Philadelphia in eleven weeks by subscriptions, and at the Rev. Mr. Bedell's sermon. The remainder has been derived from other sources.

Thus reducing the collections, as above, in the city of Philadel

phia, with a population of 140,000 inhabitants, many of them enormously wealthy, to about 5800-not treble the amount of the collection in the village of Brooklyn in eight or ten daysand little more than treble the amount collected in Pittsburg in two or three weeks-And small as this collection is, it has required the most extraordinary efforts to obtain it-efforts probably never exceeded. It may be asserted that nothing has been left undone by the committee to accomplish the object of their appointment. But such was the apathy of many of our citizens, that for four weeks we had reason to expect an almost total failure. For that space the collections did not reach one thousand dollars. And there are at present hundreds of citizens in easy circumstances who have not contributed a dollar.

It is melancholy to have to state, that there are but three subscriptions of one hundred dollars each, from Judge Hemphill, Mr. Archer, and Mr. Ronaldson-eleven of fifty-three of forty and five of thirty-the remainder varying from half a dollar to twenty, and not many of the latter description. Of the large subscriptions there are only two or three by our wealthiest citizens, many of whom have utterly declined any contribution whatever-some on the ground that any contribution from this country would at present be wholly useless-others on the ground of the repeated calls made upon our citizens for charitable and benevolent purposes. Others, again, because they despaired of any collections being made, worthy of being sent to Greece.

With respect to the first objection, it may be observed, that similar gloomy predictions have been hazarded from year to year during the whole contest—and as regularly falsified by the event—and that they are no nearer fulfilment now than they were five years since.

So far as regards the second objection, it must be observed, that the heaviest complaints have not proceeded from those most frequently or successfully applied to. C'est tout au contraire. The largest contributions to the Greek fund have been paid by those whose names are honourably enrolled as the most liberal donors on every occasion in which charity or beneficence makes an appeal to the heart.

The third objection is now completely removed. The zeal in the country exceeds all calculation-and I am sorry to say, places Philadelphia in the back ground. Chester county, chiefly

peopled by non-combatant Christians, which was expected to raise only 1000 dollars, has raised 2092. Pittsburg, in two or three weeks has raised 1737. It is at present highly probable that the total fund will extend to 18 or 20,000 dollars.

Who, that has the honour of Philadelphia at heart, can bear the idea, that a city in which there are probably one hundred and fifty persons possessing $100,000 each-from fifty to eighty, worth $200,000—and perhaps from ten to fifteen millionaires, has not raised as much for so glorious a cause, as Pittsburg, Chester county, and Brooklyn? It is to be hoped this stain on the escutcheon of our city will be removed by our wealthy citizens coming forward in a manner worthy of themselves, and of the cause at stake.

It is due to justice to state, that this letter has not been submitted to the Greek committee, by a majority of whom it probably would not have been sanctioned. The responsibility, therefore, rests wholly on the subscriber. If it be asked why this departure from usual rule and order? I reply, that the committee recently invested me with plenary powers to act as I might judge best calculated to promote the grand, the holy object in view. And having devoted all the energies of my soul to this cause-believing that imperious duty requires me to take every honourable means to ensure success-that this measure is perfectly honourable-that it can scarcely fail to prove serviceable that the character of Philadelphia demands the adoption of extraordinary efforts to raise a fund creditable to the liberality of its citizens-I could not hesitate to adopt it, well aware, however, that although the liberal, the generous, the enlightened, the humane, would at least, excuse, if not justify itto those of a different description it would give "offence," as tending to disparage the character of Philadelphia. The fault is not mine. I merely state the truth-and the censure lies at the doors of those who have caused the disparagement. If, however, "offences must come," in the discharge of duty, I cannot, will not shrink from its performance on that account. I unhesitatingly steered that course at an earlier period of life, when I held my fortunes and the support of a numerous family by the very frail tenure of public opinion, almost as fickle as the wind itself; and it would be extraordinary and inconsistent, indeed, to change the system, in my present circumstances, with little to hope or fear from mankind-and having, moreover, ar

rived at that advanced stage of existence, which nearly touches the goal that separates time from eternity.

M. CAREY,

Chairman, Greek Committee.

Philadelphia, March 1, 1827.

Address of the Greek Committee to the Citizens of the State of Pennsylvania.

After a period of service in the holy cause of humanity, extending to fifteen months, one half of which required considerable exertions and vigilance, the Greek Committee present themselves before their fellow-citizens, to render an account of their stewardship.

They hope it will be believed that they have devoted that degree of attention to the trust reposed in them, called for by sympathy for fellow mortals, struggling not merely for freedom from the most awful oppression, but for existence; by the heroism displayed in a contest maintained for seven years with the most unequal odds, and under the most disheartening disadvantages; and above all, by the irresistible appeals made to the noblest feelings of humanity, by an intensity of misery and suffering of which history presents few examples. Of the deplorable state of the Greeks who fled from Napoli, the following harrowing picture has been drawn by an intelligent eye-witness, Mr. Leib, the supercargo of the Levant:

"The most respectable of the inhabitants, who had fled from Napoli, were rudely accommodated in huts or sheds—but the multitude were encamped upon the celebrated plains of Argos, in a sort of tents made of mats, something after the manner of the American Indians—but far worse provided, and in greater poverty than I ever beheld the poorest among them." "How they live, Heaven only knows—probably upon grass, a few berries, cockles, and the little leavings of those less hungry than themselves."

To this affecting description the committee beg leave to add that of Mr. J. P. Miller, whose means of information were complete, and whose testimony is of the most unexceptionable cha

racter:

"No pen can ever describe the misery of this devoted country; no scenes in the bloodiest days of Christian persecution could have presented a more appalling spectacle than what is daily before our eyes now in Greece. Thousands