minds and inflexible integrity, and who possess the essential qualification of an intimate acquaintance with the principles of the constitution. But, Sir, where are our hopes to find a resting place? How are they to be realized, when we find that the very rudiments of the constitution are unknown by men, under whose protecting power the country is to be placed? Strange and paradoxical as this may appear, it is, I affirm, incontrovertibly true. Lords Grenville, Howick, and Hawkesbury are at this moment at variance on the mere simple question, of what is the duty of an official adviser of the crown; and yet will these gentlemen take their posts as such advisers with all the firmness of conscious worth. Lord Hawkesbury insists, that for a minister to propose a measure in parliament, to which his Majesty may be averse, is to divide the executive power from the monarch, and to throw an odium on the royal person, which is unconstitutional. Lords Grenville and Howick assert, that a minister has two duties to perform; the one as official adviser, the other as member of parliament; and, that in the latter capacity, a minister may constitutionally propose and advocate a legislative measure, without the approbation of the crown; provided it be not one which falls within the precinct of the ministerial office; how far that ministerial office extending, the noble lords omitting to give us any information. Now, Sir, if it be a maxim well founded, "that the life of government is REPUTA TION," in what a hopeful condition is it now placed, surrounded with dangers, and deprived of its "bed of roses." What rational expectation has the people, I ask, of being relieved from the fearful exigency of the times, when the fundamental principles of government are professedly not understood by those to whom the safety of the state is entrusted? This dispute among his Majesty's late and present ministers is particularly ill timed; non hoc ista sibi tempus spectacula poscit!" it chills the warmth of our expectations, and nothing but the "leprosy of eloquence" could have induced them to have agitated the subject: but as it has been agitated, I will trouble you with a few words relating to it. It is an admitted fundamental maxim of the constitution, "that the king can do no wrong;" a maxim most desireable, and which at once establishes the unbounded loyalty and affection of a people towards their monarch: but the same wisdom which established the maxim, necessarily established, also, that responsibility should attach somewhere; and as it could not attach on those who were unconnected with

the acts of the executive power, it became an essential branch of the constitution, that the king should have official advisers, in order that there might be those on whom the responsibility could justly fall. Now, it is a clear and fundamental principle of justice, that no man should be responsible for what he cannot avoid; and of necessity, therefore to make the official advisers of the crown responsible, they must be perfectly free and uncontrouled in their right to advise; and equally free to cease to be such official advisers, when their advice shall be rejected. So long, therefore, as a minister continues in his office, the executive branch must be presumed to have acceded to every recommendation that such minister may have made; for, as it is clear, a minister would be responsible for omitting to do, what in his official capacity he found was necessary to be done, it cannot for an instant be supposed, that any minister would continue in office under the penalties of responsibility, when his judgment was either opposel, or in any manner counteracted.-I have deduced the nature, and principles of responsibility thus far, in order that I might satisty you, Mr. Cobbett, that Lords Hawkesbury, Grenville, and Howick, notwithstanding they differ as to the duty of a minister, are not either of them correct in their ideas of the subject. Lord Hawkesbury says, that for a minister to adyocate any measure in the House inimical to the feelings and disposition of his Majesty, (who will probably refuse his concurrence to it) is to throw upon his Majesty an odium; which cannot be constitutional: and Lords Grenville and Howick, who under "existing circumstances" denied the truth of that proposition, admitted, however, that it was the duty of a minister not to introduce any measure in parliament which had not his Majesty's previous approbation. Now, both those positions of these political luminaries, are, I contend, Sir, unquestionably fallacious; and the last two noble lords perceived the difficulty of maintaining their proposition, without absorbing the member of parliament in the minister, which, however, upon no principle of sound sense could be supported; and they, therefore, on the individuality of the two characters, though they contended for the, accuracy of their proposition. Now, I take it to be quite clear, Mr. Cobbett, that a member of parliament, being minister, holds the two characters perfectly distinct; and that he has a right; and, indeed, it is his bounden duty, as a member, to propose in parliament whatever measure he shall think expedient, or that the exigency of the state shall re

sisted

competent, without infringement of the constitution, to express to his ministers his disapprobation of any bill brought into parliament by them, as members of the cabinet, without his previous concurrence. And the distinction appears obviously this, that he commnnicates to them his disapprobation, of this their immediate act, as his servants and advisers, and not as members of the legislature; and consequently, that they ought previously to obtain his consent to any bill or measure, concerted as his servants, and intended to be brought into parliament by them; and further, that the king as the head of the cabinet, must be considered as a party to every measure which originates in it; and he has, so far, an undoubted right to be fully acquainted, with the nature and extent of the measures so originating in short the king appears in a very considerable degree identified with his cabinet.-If this doctrine should seem to you unsound I have no doubt but the ill consequences which might result from its application, will immediately present themselves to your mind, though at the moment none of any considerable weight, occur to me. It in fact amounts only to this, that the ministers, as servants of the king, ought not to originate any bill, known to them as hostile or distressing to his feelings and conscience, without his positive concurrence it is their business, first to convince his mind, that the measures they propose, are such as he can conscientously assent to, are necessary for the good of the state, and are founded in wisdom and policy. And for this reason, that it would reduce both the king and his ministers, to a most awkward dilemma, were a measure originating in this quarter, to pass both Houses of Parliament, and afterwards, to meet with an obstacle in the ultimate sanction of his majesty, with whom (as identified with his cabinet) it would seem, to a certain extent, to have originated. It therefore follows, if any particular measure so circumstanced, shall appear to the ministers as indispensable to the welfare of the country, they ought without hesitation, as honorable and independant men rather to resign their situations, and immediately bring it forward as individual Members of Parliament, than abandon any measure which they concieve, to the best of their judgements, calculated to produce an essential benefit to their country.-The distinguishing characteristic of servitude, I take for granted, to be obsequiousness to the will of the master or employer, in a more or less degree, according to the various situations in life. When that ceases, the proper relations between master and man are at an end, and

a course of disorder and insubordination follows, totally destructive of the natural order of things. Now, as the ministers are continually calling themselves, the King's servants, they surely do mean to acknowledge, a degree of obsequiousness to his will to a certain extent, as a characteristic of their servitude. And upon this ground, it would seem only decorous on their part, to consult and study his wishes and inclination, in matters of personal and conscientious coniderations at least, as far as they can consistent with their duty and honor, and when called upon to go further, the remedy is short and straight before them-let them unfetter themselves from all restraint of duty or obedience, as servants of his majesty by the resignation of their places.I leave to you, Sir, to decide upon the merits and plausibility of the defence of the late. ministers, and to determine whether they had or had not obtained his majesty's consent, to the introduction of the Catholic Bill; and shall content myself with expressing one sentiment, (and which I doubt not is become very general, from the experience and insight, now had of their views and inclinations) and which is, that whatever cause may have led to their disgrace and dismissal, I hail it as a happy circumstance to the country at large, and ajust reward of their apostacyand shameful dereliction of the principles and profes sions with which they have amused the country for so many years past.-I trust and hopeMr. Cobbett, that you will not relax you, exertions, so honorable to yourself, in exposing to the public view whatever may oc cur in the new, or any succeeding adminis-1 tration, that shall require your admirableanimadversions.-I am Sir, &c. C. H. M.London 31st March, 1807.

LEARNED LANGUAGES."
No. 21.

SIR,I am one of those unfortunate' dogs, whose nature has something in it so repugnant to Greek and Latin, that no time nor labour can make them assimulate. For

long years was I incessantly TunT ing it away, and for as long did my worthy preceptor, with Syntax in his left hand, and the birchen twig in his right, assidiously apply them à priori and à posteriori to my tender parchment, but all in vain. How have I smarted under the lash of Cicero's Eloquence! And I am sure that my blood, which Cæsar has so often shed, will rise hereafter in judgment against him. But, do not imagine, Sir, these years of unsuccessful drudgery have produced no effect. From Alpha to Omega, I hate the classics all; and

it is now in the exultation of my heart, that I congratulate you on the prospect of ultimate success in your undertaking.-Boldly to have planted the standard of revolt, and defied the tyrants even in their strongest fastnesses, was nobly done: at first, I feared to ask whether you survived the daring act, but now I breathe again, and hope one day to revel in the sweets of gratified revenge. I cannot suppose that you have proclaimed yourself without duly considering the means and strength which your antagonists possess. When I behold their fortifications, which time and folly have for ages past been contributing to render impregnable, they make me tremble. It needs not me to tell you, that those despots are intrenched in Universal Grammar to their teeth: their Auxiliaries are numerous and disciplined: every hero of antiquity will be summoned to furnish his quota. Cohort upon cohort of Latin quotations are embodied. The compact legionaries of Polyglots and Lexicons present an impenetrable front. This is but their first line; behind it range the Grecian Argyraspides in Phalanx. Declensions, Moods, and Tenses sixteen deep, whose innumerable close locked ranks and files extend in long '. and terrible array. At every pass and interval, redoubts of Commentaries, Notes and Glossaries are raised, between whose embrasures, that murderous Artillery the Parts of Speech, peep out ready to mash the invaders brains to atoms. In presence of such a formidable host I shrink involuntarily appalled. I trust that you are not unacquainted with the temper of this foe. A specimen of the crushing dictatorial authority, whose accumulated weight you will have to contend with, is afforded by your correspondent Scoto Britannicus (No. 19). With all the magnificence of privileged importance, he asserts that from the "Learned Languages" almost all the "Modern Jargons" are derived, without these cannot be understood, and wanting these, that perspicuity, elegance, energy and taste are not to be attained. Now, it must be confessed this ipse dixit carries force, when we reflect that all our English Jargonists, not omitting Shakespeare and Burns, were so notoriously skilled in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, Etymons and Roots. But, notwithstanding the deadly blows of Johnson's ponderous Vocabulary, and Mr. Dalzel's Lotin Mace, I hope, Mr. Cobbett, you will still survive to prove that Scoto's conclusions are not quite conclusive. From the long string of arguments (as he calls them) with which he threatens you, he culls out one "more cogent and unanswerable than all the rest," to terminate his so

lemn packthread. The cogency of this same argument you will notice when you think fit; meanwhile, I hope when next he condescends to communicate in English Jargon, he will explain what "MORE unanswerable" signifies. It is clear this learned Dun-s Scotus can instruct us in all the various degrees of impossibility; after which, his readers. may or may not, as they deem it expedient, cover their rears with his reasonings."But, Sir, have you marked the matchless arrogance of this Trencher Cap. He says, (and he is but the echo of the whole fraternity), unless we can explore with monkeylike facility, each root and branch of their vaunted tree of knowledge, (to me the Bohon-Upas of the understanding) that we are but " pitiful creatures, fit only to scrawl at desks, to keep shops, or to fill the places of ignorant and miserable peasants." Why, what a sweep would this make! For, only trace the inference; nobility, gentility, and worth must fit the iron bedstead of this new Procrustes or chuse among the alternatives he presents to be clerks or counter men, hewers of stone or drawers of water. I think the cup of their iniquity is full. To you, Sir, the champion of our cause, the vindicator of our wrongs, the asserter of our freedom, we turn with anxious eyes: remember, that nothing but extermination will ap pease the wrath of the unrelenting tyrants you combat. You have drawn the sword, then throw away the scabbard and advance.. I cannot help fondly cherishing the belief, that I shall live to see their overwhelming insolence and scorn repaid with ample vengeance. I long for the day that is to see the lightning of your disquisitions against

these frowzy squadrons hurl'd, "To rush and sweep them from the world." For my part, alas! .save a few Greek and Latin pellets, I can offer you no assistance, these seven years bondage withered all my pith, nothing but my prayers remain, which, depend upon it, shall be fervently offered up for your success, by your hearty well wisher,

DUNCE.

P. S. After the tide of victory, as you will think it cruel to deprive the hordes you have discomfited, not merely of the means of resistance, but of subsistence, it will then be for the legislature to consider of some way of employing them. Perhaps it may be thought adviseable to allow the superiors and professors, at least a moderate stipend for keeping the best Translations of the Classics in repair. I know it will be a sinecure for each, and that it will make a large addition to our already grievous long list of placemen and pensioners, but it is inconsist

ent with the generosity of Englishmen to strike a fallen foe; besides, it may be observed, that time, at no remote period, will have reduced them to that number which government may think sufficient for the abovementioned purpose.

I FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS.. CONTINENTAL WAR. Thirty-six Bul

letin of the Grand French Army.

Posen, Dec. 1.-The head-quarters of the Grand Duke of Berg were, on the 27th of November, at Lowicz. Gen. Benningsen, who commanded the Russian army, had, in the hope of anticipating the French, entered Warsaw, and pushed forward an advanced guard to take positions along the river Drizura. On the 26th the out-posts of the respective armies fell in with each other, and the Russians were thrown into confusion. General Beaumont passed the Drizura to Lowicz, killed and wounded several Russian hussars, and made a regiment of Cossacks prisoners, and pursued the enemy to . Blonie.On the 27th some skirmishing took place between the advanced posts of the cavalry of both armies, when the Russians were pursued, and some taken prisoners.On the 28th, towards evening, the Archduke of Berg entered Warsaw with his cavalry, and on the 29th the corps of Marshal Davoust advanced to the capital. The Russians had retreated over the Vistula, and had burnt the bridge after they had passed. It would be difficult to describe the enthusiasm of the Poles. Our entrance into the capital was quite triumph, and it is impossible to form an idea of the zeal which the Poles of every rank display.-Patriotism and national spirit have not diminished in the hearts of this people, but have acquired new force amidst misfortune. The most fervent desire, the only wish of the Poles, is to become again a nation. The powerful abandon their castles, and come to implore with earnestness the restoration of their nation, and offer their children, their fortunes, and all their influence towards accomplishing that end. This spectacle is indeed interesting. They have already every where resumed their ancient dress, and their former customs. Shall the Polish throne be re-established, and shall the great nation secure for it respect and independence? Shall she recall it to life from the grave? God only, who directs all human affairs, can resolve this great political question. But certainly never did more memorable, more important events, arise. From a congeniality of

1806.

Soldiers! A year ago, at this same hour, you were on the memorable field of Austerlitz. The scared cohorts of Russia fed defeated before you, or, surrounded, laid down their arms at the feet of their conquerors. To the moderation, and the (perhaps) blameable generosity, which overlooked the criminality of the third coalition, is the formation of a fourth to be ascribed. But the ally on whose military skill their principal hope rested, is already no more." His principal towns, his fortresses, his forage and ammunition magazines, 280 standards, 700 pieces of cannon, are in our power. Neither the Oder nor the Warta, the Desarts of Poland,, nor the rude season of winter, have been capable of arresting for a moment our progress. You have braved all dangers, have surmounted them all, and every enemy has fled on your approach. In vain did the Russians wish to defend the capital of ancient and illustrious Poland. The French Eagles hover over the Vistula. The unfortunate, but brave Poles, on contemplating you, fancy they behold the celebrated legions of the Great Sobieski returning from a military expedition.-Soldiers! We shall not lay down our arms until a general peace has confirmed and secured the power of our allies; until it has restored to our commerce its freedom, and given back to us our colonies. On the Elbe and on the Oder we have re-conquered Pondicherry; all our possessions in India, the Cape of Good Hope, and the Spanish colonies. What right has Russia to hope that she shall hold the balance of destiny in her hand? What right has she to expect she should be placed n s favourable a situation? Shall there be a comparison made between