lusive mummery so long and so artfully practised; they are not to be duped by specious pretences or florid harrangues; they are too well convinced of the fallacious display of Gur boasted prosperity; the onerous operation of fiscal exactions speak in a language too intelligible to be misunderstood; they feel the grievous weight of the oppressive and inquisitorial income tax; scarcely a week throughout the year are our houses exempt from the intruding visits of parochial or parliamentary collectors; sesses and taxes in some shape or other, are almost daily extorted from us, and yet with all this we are called upon to make farther sacrfices even to the privation of common necessaries.How long this state of things is to continue, I pretend not to determine; one thing I will venture to aver, namely, that there is not a rational person in existence who entertains a doubt of our approximating dissolution if the present ruinous system is blindly and wilfully continued.-Without adverting to distant nations or times of yore, I earnestly beseech the attention of my countrymen to passing events; it is not an unreasonable rerequest, and on this condition alone I claim your indulgence. It is universally agreed, that our situation is perilous, and that we have a formidable enemy to contend with, but the modes of resistance are hitherto uncertain or undefined; various projects are broached yet nothing final adopted: but whatever may be the determination, "it is the hearts of the citizens which constitute the principal source of energy to the state.' and this alone must be our rallying point in the hour of danger. Bayonets may bristle like rushes on the river's brink, but unless the hearts of those who wield them are in unison with the cause for which they contend; unless there is some object to stimulate exertion and encourage their hopes, it is useless to expect a favourable issue.-Although I believe every human being has a strong predilection implanted by nature in favour of his native land; yet, the mere accident of birth on this, or on that spot of the creation, when divested of those blessings which form the ineffable endearments of so. cial life, will not stimulate them to make efficient sacrifices in defence of their country. It is the reciprocity of interests in all classes; a self-evident demonstration of mutual advantages, which form the amiable connection of the social tie, and generates in the soul of man the glowing fervour of amor patriæ.-The Spaniard, and Hindoo, and Algerine, are, by birth, the peculiar sons of

* Mr. Burke.

their respective soils as much as we are; but as they are destitute of those privileges which dignify human nature, and are debarred the natural enjoyment of common rights; it is a matter of indifference to them who rules, or who represents them. Wretched, indeed, is that country, where the numbing gripe of power hath rendered the condition of the multitude disconsolate and forlorn; where every ray of amelioration is extinguished, and every avenue to redress is closed: change alone, in such circumstances, affords the only ground of hope. Misery will leave no means untried to alleviate its poignancy; and misery invariably produces the same result, whether in the slave that tugs at the oar, or the squalid shade that pines in a garret.-Placemen and their adherents who wish to suppress facts, gravely ask, "what can we do at this juncture?" My answer is simple: correct abuses, reform your representation, retrench your expenses, practice economy, and thereby lessen the oppressive weight of taxes.-These objects call aloud for immediate adoption; the remedy is safe, your meins are ample, if you have sufficient honesty for their timely application; shew the people the sincerity of your motives, and they will cheerfully second your views; give them an interest in your proceedings, and they will not make an ungrateful return; let your own example prove, that the prosperity of your native land is the dearest object of your care, and that you will be the first to risk your existence and property in the common cause. This is a duty you owe to the public; the public expect it; the times exact it, for a crisis is fast approaching: the fate of Britain, at this moment, depends on reform, peace, and economy.-Yours, &c. Dec. 14, 1806..

CAMBRICUS.

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPER. AMERICAN STATES -President's Message, delivered to both Houses of Congress at the opening of the Session, at the City of Washington, on the 2d of Dec. 1806.— To the Senate and House of Representa tives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled.

It would have given me, fellow-citizens, great satisfaction to announce, in the moment of your meeting, that the difficulties in our foreign relations, existing at the time of our last separation, had been amicably and justly terminated. I lost no time in taking those measures which were most likely to bring them to such a termination, by special missions, charged with such powers and instructions, as, in the event of failure, could

leave no imputation on either our moderation or forbearance. The delays which have since taken place in our negociations with the British government, appear to have proceeded from causes which do not forbid the expectation that, during the course of the session, I may be enabled to lay before you their final issue. What will be that of the negociations for settling our differences with Spain, nothing which has taken place, at the date of the last dispatches, enables us to pronounce. On the Western side of the Mississippi, she advanced in considerable force, and took post at the settlement of Bayon Pierre, on the Red River. This village was originally settled by France, was held by her as long as she held Louisiana, and was delivered to Spain only as a part of Louisiana. Being small, insulated, and distant, it was not observed at the moment of re-delivery to France and the United States, that she continued a guard of half a dozen men, which had been stationed there. A proposition, however, having been lately made by our commander in chief to assume the Sabine River as a temporary line of separation between the troops of the two nations, until the issue of our negociations shall be known, this had been referred by the Spanish Commandant to his superior, and in the mean time he has withdrawn his force to the Western side of the Sabine River. The correspondence on this subject, now communicated, will exhibit, more particularly, the present state of things in that quarter-The nature of that country requires indispensibly that an unusual proportion of the force employed there should be cavalry, or mounted infantry. In order, therefore, that the commanding officer might be enabled to act with effect, I had authorised him to call on the Governors of Orleans and Mississippi, for a corps of five hundred volunteer cavalry. The temporary arrangements he has proposed, may perhaps render this unnecessary.

But

I inform you, with great pleasure, of the promptitude with which the inhabitants of those territories have tendered their services in defence of their country. It has done honour to themselves, entitled them to the confidence of their fellow citizens in every part of the union, and must strengthen the general determination to protect them efficaciously, under all circumstances which may occur. Having received information, that in another part of the United States, a great number of private individuals were combining together, arming and organising themselves, contrary to law, to carry on a military expedition against the territories of Spain, I thought it necessary, by proclamation, as well

as by special orders, to take measures for preventing and suppressing this enterprise, for seizing the vessels, arms, and other means provided for it, and for arresting and bringing to justice, the authors and abettors. It was due to that good faith which ought ever to be the rule of action in public, as well as in private transactions; it was due to good order, and regular government, that while the public force was acting strictly on the d fensive, and merely to protect our citizens from aggression, the criminal attempts of private individuals, to decide for their country the question of peace or war, by commencing active and unauthorised hostilities, should be promptly and efficaciously suppressed. Whether it will be necessary to enlarge our regular force, will depend on the result of our negociations with Spain. But as it is uncertain when that result will be known, the provisional measures requisite for that, and to meet any pressure intervening to that quarter, will be a subject for your early consideration. The possession of both banks of the Mississippi, reducing to a single point the defence of that river, its waters, and the country adjacent, it becomes highly necessary to provide for that point a more adequate security. Some position above its mouth, commanding the passage of the ri ver, should be rendered sufficiently strong to cover the armed vessels which may be stationed there for defence; and, in conjunc tion with them, to present an insuperable obstacle to any force attempting to pass. The approaches to the city of New Orleans, from the eastern quarter also, will require to be examined, and more effectually guarded. For the internal support of the country, the encouragement of a strong settlement on the western side of the Mississippi, within reach of New Orleans, will be worthy the consideration of the legislature. The gun boats, authorised by an act of the last session, are so advanced, that they will be ready for service in the ensuing spring. Circumstances permitted us to allow the time necessary for their more solid construction. As a much larger number will still be wanting to place our sea port towns and waters in that state of defence to which we are competent, and they entitled, a similar appropriation, for a further provision of them is recommended for the ensuing year. A further appropriation will also be necessary for repairing fortifications already established, and the erection of such other works as may have real effect in obstructing the approach of an enemy to our sea port towns, or their remaining before them. In a country whose constitution is derived from the will of the people,

present month, near two millions of five and a half per cent. stock. These payments and reimbursements of the funded debt, with those which had been made in the four years and a half preceding, will at the close of the present year, have extinguished upwards of twenty three millions of principal.-The duties composing the Mediterranean fund will cease, by law, at the end of the present session. Considering, however, that they are levied chiefly on luxuries, and that we have an impost on salt, a necessary of life, the free use of which otherwise, is so important,. I recommend to your consideration the suppression of the duties on salt, and the continuation of the Mediterranean fund, instead thereof, for a short time; after which, that also will become unnecessary for any purpose now within contemplation. -When both of these branches of revenue shall, in this way, be relinquished, there will still, 'ere long be an accumulation of monies in the treasury, beyond the instalment of public debt, which we are permitted by contract to pay. They cannot, then, without a modification assented to by the public creditors, be applied to the extinguishment of this debt, and the complete liberation of our revenues, the most desirable of all objects. Nor, if our peace continues, will they be wanting for any other existing purpose. The question, therefore, now comes forward, to what other object shall these surplusses be appropriated, and the whole surplus of impost, after the entire discharge of the publie debt, and during these intervals when the purposes of war shall not call for them? Shall we suppress the impost, and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures? On a few articles of more general and necessary use, the suppression, in due season, will doubtless be right; but the great mass of the articles on which impost is paid, are foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them. Their patriotism would certainly prefer its continuance, and application to the great purposes of the public education, roads, rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement, as it may be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of federal powers. By these operations new channels of communication will be opened between the states; the lines of separation will disappear, their interests will be identified, and their union cemented by new and indissoluble ties. Education is here placed among the articles of public care, not that it would be proposed to take its ordinary branches out of the hands of private enterprise, which manages so much better

all the concerns to which it is equsl: but a public institution can alone supply those sciences, which, though rarely called for, are yet necessary to complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to the improvement of the country, and some of them to its preservation. The subject is now proposed for the consideration of Congress, because, if approved, by the time the state of legislatures shall have deliberated on this extension of the federal trusts, and the 1. vs shall have passed, and other arrangements made for their execution, the necessary funds will be on hand, and without employment. I suppose an amendment of the constitution, by consent of the states, necessary: because the objects now recommended are not among those enumerated in the constitution, and to which it permits the public monies to be applied. The present consideration of a national establishment for education, part:cularly, is rendered proper by this circumstance also, that if Congress, approving the proposition, shall yet think it more eligible to found it on a donation of lands, they have it now in their power to endow it with those which will be among the earliest to produce the necessary income. This foundation would have the advantage of being independent on war, which may suspend other improvements, by requiring for its own purposes, the resources destined for them.This, fellow citizens, is the state of the pub lic interests at the present moment, and ac cording to the information now posse-sed. But such is the situation of the nations of Europe, and such, too, the predicament in which we stand with some of them, that we cannot rely, with certainty on the present aspect of our affairs, that they may chanye from moment to moment, during the course of your session, or after you shall have separated. Our duty is, therefore, to act upon the things as they are, and to make a reasonable provision for whatever they may be. Were armies to be raised whenever a speck of war is visible in our horizon, we never should have been without them. Our resources would have been exhausted on dangers which have never happened, instead of being reserved for what is really to take place. A steady, perhaps a quickened pace in preparations for the defence of our sea port towns and waters, an early settlement of the most exposed and vulnerable parts of the country, a militia so organized, that its effective portions can be called to any point in the Union, or volunteers instead of them, to serve a sufficient time, are means which may always be ready, yet never preying upon our resources, until actually called into it.