join in saying," Prosperity to them! If we can aid them, let us do it." Let us never, if we will act in the spirit of that which is alone the true religion, by word or deed seek to injure or oppose them. Until we can thus act we are but on the threshold of virtue and reason. (Loud applause). EDITORIAL. LONDON, JANUARY 26, 1833. OUR PROGRESS. We have now finally removed from the premises in Gray's Inn Road; and, for the present, the business of the parent establishment is transferred to the First Branch, Blackfriars. Various premises, some of them in very eligible situations, have been offered and examined, as scites for other branches, but none of them are as yet engaged. Our readers shall have the earliest notice when any new location is decided on. The lectures of the past week have been given in the smaller theatre of the Surrey Institution. On Sunday morning it was nearly filled, and in the evening some hundreds went away, unable to find room. The larger theatre, which has hitherto been used as a circus, has been just vacated by its former occupants, and will be fitted without delay, for the purpose of public lecturing. Most of our readers must already have learnt, either by common report, or througn the medium of the daily papers, that violence was used by Mr. Bromley, the owner of the Gray's Inn Road premises, to obtain possession of the same, before the expiration of the week, during which we were to remove, and to retain a portion of the fixtures belonging to the Association and Labour Exchange. When matters are finally adjusted with him, a statement of the whole case will be laid before our readers. carried over the world, those ideas which had formerly been confined within the walls of a temple or the limits of a province. It has been said that all things work together for good to those who love God.' It may safely be asserted, that when there is wisdom to take advantage of circumstances as they arise, there are few changes in the course of human affairs, which may not be made productive of some often of much benefit. LONDON CONTRASTS. 'Tis a strange place, this London; a wonderful place, an amusing place, a melancholy place; a centre of luxury and of misery, of splendid and squalied wretchedness. It is just what you please it shall be. You wish to see what art and money can do? then put on your hat and saunter into the Regent's Park. If you have ever seen any thing more magnificent than its combination of princely architecture and natural beauty-porticoed palaces on one hand, and grove, water, and meadow on the other-if, I say, you have ever seen any thing to surpass its endless line of crescents, and palaces, and terraces, here surmounted with graceful statues, there with elaborate bas-reliefs, adorned by turns with every order of architecture, from the plainest Tuscan to the richest Composite, borrowing from the south its balconies, and from the east its minarets; and, all adorned as it is looking out, not on the dull grandeur of a town, but on the natural beauties of the country-if you have beheld any thing to outshine this, it must have been amidst Asia's luxuries; or, if in Europe, only in her 'city of palaces.' The Champs Elysees, beautiful as they are, do not match it. But you are tired of gaudy show, and wish to see how the unfavored of fortune exist? London can amplý gratify your curiosity. We are here in Regent street, and see how every thing glitters. Look through these superb panes of plated In the meantime, we may mention, for the satisfaction of depositors and our friends generally, that the whole of the Ex-glass (each the size of a large mirror) at the lavish heaps of change stock was removed, in perfect safety and without let or hindrance, to Blackfriars. The statement of last week's account of the Blackfriars' business, given in another part of to-day's Crisis, was read at our last Sunday meetings, and was received with enthusiasm as an earnest of the complete success of the system, in a pecuniary point of view. The general feeling among our friends seemed to be one of congratulation, that our expenses were now, to a certainty, within our current income; and that, by establishing in different parts of London, branches similar to that at Blackfriars, and under similar regulations, a knowledge of the system might be much more widely and much more safely dissimulated, than by confining our operations and concentrating our means on one spot. riches piled in yonder shop window; or turn your eye on the hundred dazzling equipages that roll past you, as rich as gold lace and emblazoned panels can make them. You are in the very atmosphere of fashion, and every thing reminds you of it. Poverty, distress, misery, are banished far away. You think so? Well, then, let us turn down this street and walk some quarter of a mile. Here we are; not five minutes, observe, since we left all profusion of luxury; and now, enter this lane with me. You shudder! what do you fear? to catch the cholera, or to lose your watch. Put up your seals and follow me a few steps further. It will not kill us to breathe for a minute or two, the atmosphere which thousands must breathe for years. We are in St. Giles'! These are human beings; of the same race as yourself; and these are the dens in which they herd! Look at that woman if you can at that woman! Onë feels as it there should be some other name invented to designate such a being. She is drunk, you see; and that mass of rags that lies in her lap, is her child. She, if brandy does not kill her, in a year or two will be its educator; and this lane is nursery. Give that wretch that follows us a half-penny; it is a : youth of fifteen or sixteen; it is indeed; loathsome disease and these filthy rags alone, give him that air of age and decrepitude. What do you think he will do with your half-penny buy a bit of bread? Watch him. He enters that cellar, at the door of which, rusty iron and other street cleanings are exposed for sale. Look down; don't you see, through the smoke, the gin bottle on that old barrel. It sickens you. Well, we will return. But hark! the rattling of dice! listen a moment. They are quarrelling now; there is a rush down the stairs. Let us cross the street; I do not like to be too near these scenes. Here we can see them. How depravity has burnt his frightful brand on these haggard countenances! See them, as they glare at each other, the sunk cheeks lit up by the hectic of passion. % been buoyed up with the hope of liberty, that hope should be "The President has a fine estate called Poids le General, near the town (Arcahaye) on which are located some of the Americans brought to the Republic, and left under its care by the philantropist Miss Frances Wright, the rest being upon neighboring properties. Here also are about eight families of other American settlers, who have just taken a lease of land for about seven years. These I visited this morning (Nov. 28, 1830); they have now about twenty-five acres in tillage, and as many more cleared for A volley of brutal oaths! a blow one is down! a crowd gathers! Note the horrible leer of mirth on the faces, as they gather round to get a peep at the fun! The crowd increases. We are unsafe here, even at mid-day. Let us go. Do you think such things can endure extravagance so lavish, and misery so abased—almost within speaking distance of each other? They will last for a time, evidently: they have lasted for years, for ages. The cup has been centuries in filling. Who shall say at what moment it may flow over? No one with pre-pasturing their cows and asses. They are a fine race of sturdy, cision; but many think, soon. The fates grant it! It is horrible-horrible to reflect, that it must endure for a single day! R. D. O. WEEKLY REPORT OF THE BLACKFRIARS' BRANCH EXCHANGE, Deposits during the week................ ... Exchanges during the week... Increase of stock Hours .14,346 12,351 £ d. 19 6 15 25 6 0 0 44 plain, intelligent men, Their lands are in excellent order; for the want of campeache, only temporarily fenced in, but well stocked with provisions, canes, and corn. They related to me the history of their disasters, since their arrival in Hayti. Destitute of experience as agriculturists, they had expended their littlø capital in fruitless endeavors to establish themselves on the locations given them by government. Being irritated by disappoint ment, they imprudently abandoned their settlements, and proceeded to the capital; but finding few opportunities there, this rashness aggravated their distresses to absolute destitution. In this stato these eight families becoming accidental acquaintances, they determined on trying a scheme of united industry within reach 2,015 hours. of the market of the city, willing to be contented with moderate expectations from patient industry. With a fund among them, all of not more than ten dollars Haytien currency (about twenty shillings sterling), they purchased tools, cleared a stretch of the forest on the borders of the cane fields of Poids le General, and diligently pursuing the system of industry, which experience warranted them in considering the best, they have found themselves in the enjoyment of comparative comfort and comparative wealth. They have cows, pigs, and poultry, adequate for their sustenance, and their surplus produce conveyed to Port au Prince by water, and sold there, yields them the easy means of supplying their extraordinary household wants. They had not yet reaped their canes, but the President's mill grinds them on a payment of one quarter of the fabricated syrup, the other three quarters being added to their general stock. They spoke contentedly of their fortunes, but regretted the absence of religious instruction, and of schools for their children, as serious privations to men whose prudent and reflecting habits had taught them to look at these things as the most important considerations of life. They, however, said they felt no occasion, under all the sufferings they had endured since they quitted America, to regret that they had left a country whose policy towards them had rendered their days a continued source of bitterness an existence in which the past brought no pleasant recollections, and in which the future was cheered by no redeming or consolatory hope.fraveller's Journal.)-No: 88, Anti-Slavery Reporter. 5 Profit and loss 37 9 37 Capital not yet repaid... .27 Deduct profit this week... 8 19 C pital remaining unpaid... LOCATION OF AMERICAN BLACKS IN 9 4 9 2 3.10 HAYTI. The following paragraph may interest our readers. Some of them know, probably, that Miss Wright, (now Madame D'Arusmont) attempted in the United States, an experiment, to prove that the negro population might, if permitted to labor for the purpose, in a few years, emancipate themselves. This, the experiment failed to prove; chiefly, perhaps, because the land selected, was not of the first quality, and the price of its staple product, cotton, suddenly fell immediately after the purchase. Resolved, however, that the negroes themselves (amounting in all to thirty) should not be the sufferers, and that after having "Tis sweet to see the morning beam SOCIETY IN ENGLAND. WE need hardly recommend the following excellent observations from the Morning Chronicle to our readers' attention. They recommend themselves : The whole scheme of society in England is calculated to stimulate avarice. Wealth, or the appearance of wealth, is the only recognised power. No matter how it is acquired, the Ikey Solomon of to-day, the keeper of a gambling or worse bouse, if he obtain property, may to-morrow be one of the heads of the state, a toparch, and an hereditary legislator. "There is something well deserving of attention in the following observations of Dr. Arnold, on the effects produced in England by allowing the utmost latitude to individual scrambling: hence the robbery of footpaths by conspiracies of Justices, sanctioned by the Legislature'; hence the plunder, wholesale, by the Aristocracy, of the noble estates bequeathed for charitable purposes by our forefathers, whose selfishness was occasionally counteracted by higher principles; hence the neglect of the po pulation in all our great towns-to instance this metropolis, in which the possessors of grounds in the neighborhood of the city, the Dukes of Bedford, Northumberland, the Marquis of Westminster, &c., have been allowed to derive, Royal incomes from the necessity of a population for expansion, which a considerate Legislature ought to have secured to the community betimes, benefits solely arising out of the wants of the community.' THE CO-OPERATIVE SYSTEM. "It is quite manifest," he says, "that the whole amount of Church property in England, including under that name both tithes, as far as they are in clerical hands, and Church lands of "Perhaps, in justice we should have reserved our specific, our every description, is so much saved out of the scramble of in- panacea for the evils which afflict this country until we had laid dividual selfishness, and set apart for ever for public purposes.o-operation; for as the co-operatives propose their system as before our readers a clear exposition of the nature and design of Now, there are few things from which society in England has the only means of escape from the anomalous state of want and suffered greater evil, than from the want of property so reserved; superfluity in which we are placed, by broaching another means, it is apparent in every town, and in every village, in the absence a censure may seem to be applied upon theirs. But our wish is of public walks, public gardens, public exercise grounds, puh- that the reader may not be prepossessed; rather let him come to decide with impartiality. lic museums, &c., in the former; and in most instances, of even so much as a common green in the latter; let a man go where he will, he is beset on every side by the exclusiveness of private property; the public has kept nothing. This has arisen very much out of the false and degrading notions of civil society, which have prevailed within the last century. Society has been regarded as a mere collection of individuals, looking each after his own interest; and the business of Government has been limited to that of a mere police, whose sole use is to hinder these individuals from robbing or knocking each other down. This view of society, alike unphilosophical and unchristian, has largely counteracted the good which the world, in this advanced stage of its existence, has derived from its increased experience; and its pernicious effects have been abundantly shown in the actual state of the poor throughout England. For their physicul distresses, their ignorance, and their vices, are the true fruits of the system of letting alone;' in other words, of leaving men to practice for their own advancement, all arts, save actual violence; of allowing every natural and every artificial superiority, to enjoy and push its advantages to the utmost, and of suffering the weaker to pay the full penalty of their inferiority." "There is much truth in these observations. Hence the abandonment of the peasantry of Ireland to the owners of the soil, to extract from them all that the necessities of an overgrown population will give under the stimulus of competition; hence the abandonment of infant children throughout the country, to men who work them under the influence of competition to undersell. each other, fourteen, sixteen, and even seventeen hours out of the twenty-four; hence the ruthless mode in which the English peasantry have been stripped, under a Legislature moved exclusively by avarice, of their commons; The very existence of such a proposal as that which seeks to establish the system of co-operation as the basis of society, is prima facie evidence of the existence of great wrong and of great misery among ns. It is evidence of great wrong, because society could not have been broken into what is termed a natural gradation of ranks-meaning thereby a gradation by which some were privileged to monopolize the power, the wealth, and the learning, while others were compelled to indigence, ignorance and sufferance,—if it had not been for the strong arm of violence which first seized upon and broke up society into those forms most conducive to the interests of the few, and the injury of the many, and the craft of legislation which took advantage of the darkness of the human intellect to perpetuate the system by fraud, by force, or by prejudice. It is evidence too of misery: if we look into history we shall find no records of a people rebelling against their government, or meeting tumultuously together solely because they did not possess in common the superfluities of the rich. Still less, and which in this instance is more to our purpose, shall we find any deliberate proposal entertained by them, for the purpose of putting an end to individual accumuextensive bodies of men, and sought to be put in execution by lation of property. Indeed history tells us another tale; it teaches us that the people are well satisfied to possess the necessaries of life, as they should possess them-in abundance; that they are slow to anger, and that nothing short of a long course of misgovernment and great misery, produced by want of the common necessaries of life, will provoke them to resistance. Then, and not till then, do the superfluities of the rich become an object of desire or an excuse for hatred; then, and not till then, do we hear of systems of society, and projects of mankind. This is the point to which society has arrived in seeking as their object the amelioration of the social condition this country; the misery and the wrong have passed the limits of human sufferance; and among the remedies proposed, first in magnitude and promise comes co-operation. What that cooperation is, we shall now proceed to describe, under the distinct heads of first, its Philosophy, which will embrace the pe culiar tenets, arguments, political economy, &c. of the sect; second, its Statistics, comprising an account of its present state, and the extent of its operation; and third, we shall devote some short space to the enquiry of what co-operation really is, includ ing our estimate of its uses and capabilities. The philosophy of co-operation differs in toto from every other description of philosophy that was ever put into operation with the view of benefiting society. It does not seek, as dabblers in the currency seek, to relieve the distress of the country by a liberal issue of paper money; it wishes rather to destroy all money, and to possess no other representative of wealth than a representative of labor; and when a certain portion of labor was consumed it would destroy its representative. It does not, like the modern school of political economy, declare that labor must be kept to make the best bargain which it can for itself, and that the work of wisdom on the part of government is to en courage the growth of capital; it rather seeks only the encouragement of labor as the parent of capital, and it would leave the offspring entirely at the disposal of its parent. It does not seek, as a means of lessening our burdens, to reduce the amount of the national debt, because in a co-operative community a national debt could not exist. It does not strive, by the encou ragement of judicious reforms, to remove the various abuses of church and state, because it holds that the whole system is irre coverably bad, and its whole endeavor is directed, not to mend it, but to pull it down, and to substitute a new edifice in its place. THE COMPETITIVE SYSTEM. We present our readers with some further extracts from that painful and distressing volume-"The Report of the Factories' Regulation Enquiry "-the record of infant slavery, and more than infant torture. During the forty days' investigation of the Committee, and from the lips of a hundred witnesses who were examined, we have learnt the existence and extent of a system of cruelty and degradation to which a large portion of the young of the working classes, in our manufacturing districts, are subjected, which almost makes us shudder at the means by which our manufacturing superiority has been acquired, and our immense manufacturing wealth accumulated. For the last forty years we have had numerous examinations into the atrocities and abominations of the colonial slave-trade, and into the hardships and horrors of colonial slavery. The former has been abolished in consequence of the damning nature of the evidence by which it was assailed; and the latter, we trust, will soon disappear, amid the loud indignation of an enlightened and improving community. And shall the scene of slavery then, be transferred to the mother country?-shall English infants be substituted, by the consent of free, Reformed, and Christian England, for African negroes? It is not unadvisedly, that we make the startling comparison; nor is it for the purpose of disparaging manufacturing improvements, or discouraging manufacturing enterprise, that we represent our factories, whose machinery is worked by children of tender age, in the same light as West Indian plantations, cultivated by negro slaves. The similarity is established in almost every point the parallel is drawn in the broadest lines; and it is only because the same element enters in both,—it is only because domestic, white, English slavery is now proved "by a cloud of witnesses" to exist, that we call upon the legislature to interfere, and to abate the rank offence. Children of from six to twelve years of age, who are driven from their scarcely warmed beds to the mills, before day-break, and are wrought till they can no longer stand, or who can only be kept awake at their task by the application of blows and stripes, who have sometimes their bodies maimed, or their lives endangered by a cruel task-master, when invincible fatigue overpowers the strength of their feeble nature, who struggle with scanty and insufficient food, against the effects of an unwholesome atmosphere and a torturing position,who contract diseases, stunt their growth, and acquire deformities, by an over-exertion of their frames who are deprived of all the opportunities of healthy exercise, and all the means of moral instruction, so beneficial or necessary for their time of life,children in this situation, we say, though sold to the factory by the necessities of their own parents, as the African chiefs sold their subjects or captives, are no more free agents than a West Indian gang, and therefore, for the same reason, ought to be placed under the special protection of the law. Instances may occur in the agricultural districts where the young are equally exposed to physical suffering and moral degradation; cruel parents in towns and villages which never saw the smoke of a steam engine, or heard of a cotton factory, may keep their infants in misery and bondage. These cases, the law cannot reach without probably the greater evil of domiciliary visits, but where great masses of children; as in our manufacturing districts, are collected into a particular place, and follow a common occupation, beyond the care of their parents, general rules can be enforced, and a kind of labour police established. We beg that this principle of the absolute undeniable slavery of factory children, and this distinction between them and other children, not congregated by the nature of their employment, into masses, may be kept in mind in all notions of legislating on this question, as otherwise, we must attempt an impossible task, or effect a mischievous result. The masters themselves, if their feelings deserve to be considered on such a subject, could not object to this interference, with the age at which children can be allowed to enter their establishments, or the number of hours which they may be permitted to work. They cannot pretend, like the West Indian planter, that the children are their they will not be required to pay for their work. The parent property," and if they derive no benefit from their work, or the parish must supply the funds for their sustenance till they can support themselves; but, from whatever quarter these funds come, English humanity must not be further outraged by a continuance of the present system of infant bondage. Dr. Chalmers, as we see in the excellent and instructive evidence of the Rev. Mr. Gordon, one of the ministers of Aberdeen, told the Glasgow manufacturers, from the pulpit, several years ago, "that they regarded human beings as so many pieces of machinery, and the living principle within them as the power which set the machinery in motion, and that their sole object was to get out of the machines as much work as possible at the least expense." There could not be a more undeniable or more me lancholy statement. This infant "machinery" must now be regulated by those who "regard the living principle within it,” as something different from a mere mechanical power. There are duties more important than those of accumulating wealth by whatever means; and even the commercial wealth of a nation is bought at too high a price, if that price be the degradation, the depravity, the suffering, of those who produce it. Law must interfere to check the reckless inhumanity of the avaricious, as it does to control or punish any other bad or selfish passion, which seeks its own gratification, at the expense of others. THE FACTORY SYSTEM. (From the Morning Horald.) One of the witnesses a woman who was speaking of her childhood-stated that, în consequence of the hardship which she suffered when a child, one of her legs had become useless, "the marrow having dried up within it." If this were a solitary case, it would be bad enough we could not refuse our compassion to a fellow creature so afflicted; but what shall we say of the system which dried up the marrow in her young bones, and smote with premature decay the promise of her blighted womanhood? [This poor deformed female is only twenty-three years of age, and is now in the workhouse,] SELF SUPPORTING EDUCATION. far greater than had ever been witnessed since the declaration of independence in 1776. And at Ballstown, Pa., any irritation Another witness-another woman, spoke also of her own de- which existed, had been increased by an attack made a few days formity. What a subject for a female tongue. I have an iron previous to the election by the local press, and by handbills, on on my right leg,' said she, my knee is contracted.' On the character of one of the candidates a gentleman who had being asked whether she had been straight till the age of thir-filled a high office in Congress, and who resided in the neighteen, I was as straight a little girl,' said she, as ever went bourhood. I was therefore prepared for some fun, for some up and down town. There was something of pride, the pride ebullition of humour, or of sarcastic remark, or dry wit, to of beauty in this reply, though it burst from a heart that was which Americans are said to be prope. But all was dumb almost broken. show, or the next thing to it. The ballot boxes were placed on a long table, at which half a dozen of the inspectors or can vassers of votes were seated. Not a word was spoken. Each voter delivered his list when he got next to the table, to the officers, who called out his name. Any person might object, but the objection was instantly decided on-the officers having no difficulty, from their knowledge of the township, of the per sons residing in it, and to whose testimony, reference was instantly made, in determining on the spot, whether the qualification of the voters was, or was not sufficient. I need hardly say that I did not attend this excessively uninteresting sort of meet ing for any long time; but I am bound to bear this testimony in its favour, that so quiet a day of election, both without and within doors, I never witnessed either in Scotland or England. I did not see or hear of a drunken person, in the streets of the village or neighborhood, nor did I observe any thing extraordinary, except the increased number of carriages or waggons of all kinds, three or four of them drawn by four horses, one by six. We were residing close by the hotel where the election took place, and in the evening the tranquillity was as complete as if no election had occurred. An American publication states, that several flourishing schools have been established in various parts of the United States, in which the pupils have been enabled to defray the entire expense of their sustenance and tuition, by the exertion of a very few hours manual labour daily. They are founded on the principle that every lad of ordinary health and capacity, can, if proper facilities are afforded, support himself by manual labour, while attaining his education.' The following examples are given of the successful applications of this principle:-At a flourishing institution in the state of New York, forty students are now receiving their board in exchange for not less than three, nor more than four hours labour per day; at the Maine Wesleyan Seminary, one hundred and thirty students generally paid their board by their labour; some, all their expenses, and others even more than this; while, at the Theological Seminary at Maysville, (East Tennessee,) by the labour of an hour and a half in a day, the expenses of comfortable board are defrayed, and a weekly saving is made by the institution, of one dollar on each labourer!' At Philadelphia there is a chartered school, under the care of the Rev. John Monteith, consisting of thirty-three scholars, (ten of whom are educating for the Gospel ministry) and who have nearly paid the expense of their board and tuition by their manual labour. Every pupil is required to spend three or four hours daily in useful labour. The arts in which they have been employed, are carpenter work, gardening, and farming. The objects contemplated, and so far attained, by the union of manual with mental exertion, are, the establishment of health; the formation of industry and economical habits; the facility of education afforded to the poor; and the cherishing of a manly independence of feeling. [Of course, much, if not the whole of the success, in a pecuniary point of view, which is said to have attended the adoption of this system in America, is owing to the great demand for, and consequent high price of labour in that country. But, though we cannot expect the moderate and recreative labour of children to defray the expense of their education in any of the old countries of Europe, it has, for a long time, formed a part of every good theory of education, that the pupils should learn at least some one of the useful arts, (such as the domestic arts for the females, in which they are, in these manufacturing times, woefully deficient,) by means of which, they might contribute to their subsistence when they leave the school. The importance of such an education to the children of the poor, surely need not be insisted on.] AMERICAN ELECTIONS. It was on the 5th of November that I was present at the election at Ballstown, Pa., held in one of the hotels, about the door of which twenty or thirty people might be standing. My friend Mr. Brown introduced me, and got me a place at the table. I must confess, that I have been seldom more disappointed at a public meeting. The excitement occasioned by the election generally, was declared by the newspapers, to be The county canvassers for the twenty townships of this county of Saratoga afterwards met, and made their returns for the county, in all of which, as well as in the whole of the state, the same quietness and perfect order prevailed. The number of votes given in this state, for the election of the President, was 276,176, in a population of upwards of 1,800,000; and that this part of the election was most keenly contested, is obvious, from the recorded fact, that the majority for Jackson over Adams, in this state, only amounted to 5350. The total number of votes given in the presidential election, on this occasion, was afterwards ascertained to be nearly 1,200,000, in a population of about 12,000,000, of which the whole of the states are composed. Thus, in a state far exceeding Scotland in extent, and almost equalling it in population, the votes for the chief magistrate of the United States and his substitute, for the Governor & Lientenant-Governor of the state,--for a Senator and Representa tives to Congress,for three Representatives to the state of New York,-for four coroners, a sheriff, and a clerk to the county were taken, and the business of the election finished with ease, and with the most perfect order and decorum, in three days. All voted by ballot, which is here considered the only way to obtain independent and unbiassed votes; and if so in this country, how much more in the British islands, where the aristocracy and higher orders are so infinitely more powerful, influential, and numerous.-Three Years in North America, by James Stuart, Esq ANECDOTE OF MOZART. I know not whence the following anecdote of the great composer is extracted; but it bears the impress of authenticity, and exhibits, in vivid colours, the extreme and unfortunate sensibility to which musical talents of the first order, too often render their possessor the victim. 'Mozart was born a musical genius. Perhaps there never was a living being more sensitive than he. So harmonious, so tender, were the sensations of this extraordinary man, that the |