Uni from politics, we must look few years proves that elder deeper into the facts. statesman to be right in pracversal suffrage and a weakened tice, if shamelessly wrong in House of Lords have left our theory. The House of ComConstitution without safeguards. mons has flouted principle: it We have fallen into a democ- smiles with a smile of indulgent racy of the fifth class, which, contempt upon the old-fashin Aristotle's phrase, keeps in ioned morality. Its one and view the interest of the needy, only God is Opportunity. It and thinks little of the common no longer aspires to serve the good. Of this unamiable kind country, but to keep its seats of democracy, corrupt, self- and its places. He is the finest seeking, cunningly unscrupu- statesman who best knows how lous, it has been said that to seize Opportunity by the it prefers fraud to force. It forelock. He who collars the may also be said that the best machine and keeps a majority of men would still prefer force of votes in his pocket is desto fraud. And, such as it is, tined to rule over a confused modern democracy does not disheartened country. Success and cannot attract to its aid depends upon adaptability, and the honest and the generous there is nothing less easily among the youth of to-day. adaptable to circumstances Who, indeed, will care to serve than principle, unless it be his country, if he be told that a rigid system of morals. The the most he can hope for is to first duty of the politician is replace strength by wiliness, to eat the words to-day which to achieve what he believes to he spoke yesterday, and eat be right by no other means them not with a wry face, but than the means of chicanery? with the look of triumphant satisfaction which an epicure wears when he is bidden to a banquet. Now it is the business of young men to see visions and to dream dreams. They have not learned, happily, to hide their ideals behind a mist of cynical levity. And unless he be frivolous and heartlessunless, in brief, he have divested himself of the virtues of youth-no man shall cut any sort of figure in the House of Commons. We have been told by the most highly distinguished of our elder statesmen that politics is no affair of morals, that it is wholly divorced from principle; and It is upon Opportunism that the grandeur of our present governors is proudly based. Mr Lloyd George, the one type and exemplar of the demagogues, has no views : he borrows what he wants from the voters. He does not make his own speeches: he lays that pleasant task upon his audiences. And thus it is that he comes forth as the perfect Opportunist, wayward and various. The men of principle cannot follow able in itself, an artistic blot standing and pretentiousness. upon the 'Golden Ass,' whose action it interrupts and whose balance it disturbs. It would not be worth while to spend so much time upon Professor Wendell's book if it did not reveal the sad result of abolishing the humanities. Those who profess a hatred of the classics dare not abandon them altogether, and in the very moment of condemning them they pretend to a knowledge of them which they do not possess. It thus becomes a matter not of scholarship but of morals. It supplements ignorance by a kind of intellectual hypocrisy. The harm actively done by Professor Wendell's book is that it persuades the foolish ones who read it to affect a familiarity with Greek literature when they are carefully guarded from learning even the shapes of the letters in the Greek alphabet. If the classics are to be abolished, let there be made a clean sweep of them. Don't let us follow the advice, rashly given by the framers of the report addressed to Mr Lloyd George, "to bring those (including adults) who are and must for good reason or of necessity remain ignorant of the classical languages, into some contact with the classical spirit." classical spirit, or contact with it, implies discipline, and Professor Wendell has shown us that, if Greek and Latin be studied, according to his formula, in English versions alone, nothing The His method recalls to us a famous jest of Verlaine's. When the French poet was appointed a teacher of English in a French college: "I can't teach you English," said he, "but I can teach you something which may be of yet greater service to you. I can teach you how Englishmen speak French." And Professor Wendell says in effect: "I can't teach you Greek, but what I can teach you is how the journeymantranslator turns Greek into English.' One business is as grossly useless as the other, and Professor Wendell lacked the humour that softens the jesting Verlaine to our heart. The demagogues, having taken in hand the education of the rising generation, are now complaining that the young profess no interest in politics. In the heyday of politics, when the House of Commons had not yet degenerated into a vestry, a knowledge of the classics was part of the legislator's equipment. An orator was not thought very much of who could not point his moral with a tag from Horace, or adorn his tale with a passage from Virgil. The habit of quotation has disappeared, and with it has disappeared much of the wisdom and moderation which distinguished our debates and our controversies. That the death of the classics will still further degrade the House of Commons is evident. But if we would discover why Uni from politics, we must look few years proves that elder deeper into the facts. statesman to be right in pracversal suffrage and a weakened tice, if shamelessly wrong in House of Lords have left our theory. Constitution without safeguards. We have fallen into a democracy of the fifth class, which, in Aristotle's phrase, keeps in view the interest of the needy, and thinks little of the common good. Of this unamiable kind of democracy, corrupt, selfseeking, cunningly unscrupulous, it has been said that it prefers fraud to force. It may also be said that the best of men would still prefer force to fraud. And, such as it is, modern democracy does not and cannot attract to its aid the honest and the generous among the youth of to-day. Who, indeed, will care to serve his country, if he be told that the most he can hope for is to replace strength by wiliness, to achieve what he believes to be right by no other means than the means of chicanery? Now it is the business of young men to see visions and to dream dreams. They have not learned, happily, to hide their ideals behind a mist of cynical levity. And unless he be frivolous and heartlessunless, in brief, he have divested himself of the virtues of youth-no man shall cut any sort of figure in the House of Commons. We have been told by the most highly distinguished of our elder statesmen that politics is no affair of morals, that it is wholly divorced from principle; and The House of Commons has flouted principle: it smiles with a smile of indulgent contempt upon the old-fashioned morality. Its one and only God is Opportunity. It no longer aspires to serve the country, but to keep its seats and its places. He is the finest statesman who best knows how to seize Opportunity by the forelock. He who collars the machine and keeps a majority of votes in his pocket is destined to rule over a confused disheartened country. Success depends upon adaptability, and there is nothing less easily adaptable to circumstances than principle, unless it be a rigid system of morals. The first duty of the politician is to eat the words to-day which he spoke yesterday, and eat them not with a wry face, but with the look of triumphant satisfaction which an epicure wears when he is bidden to a banquet. It is upon Opportunism that the grandeur of our present governors is proudly based. Mr Lloyd George, the one type and exemplar of the demagogues, has no views : he borrows what he wants from the voters. He does not make his own speeches: he lays that pleasant task upon his audiences. And thus it is that he comes forth as the perfect Opportunist, wayward and various. The men of principle cannot follow to-morrow the opinions he expresses to-day. Now he is on the side of France, now he buckles the friendly German to his capacious breast. Now with a shake of his leonine locks and with his empty, half-ingratiating smile, he declares loudly that he will take murder by the throat. Now he purrs, with a feline amiability, as he grasps the last murderer of his acquaintance by the hand. It is not surprising that the French distrust him, since he is all things always to all men. It is evident that honest Unionists can have no confidence in him, since he is ready, without cause or provocation, to make terms with rebels and assassins, to greet as equal colleagues the murderers of women. His paid supporters, on the other hand, are never likely to desert him, because he knows far better than they how to keep them all together, and to ensure the punctual payment of their salaries. Under such a leader generous youth can never serve. For youth still clings honourably to principle; it is still willing to die for a cause, to sacrifice its career or its life in the service of its country. And then comes the arch-politician to youth, and whispers in its ear: "Give me your support, and I will ensure you power and place. Without my help you can do nothing. With your aid I can govern the world, and so long as I govern the world, your pocket need never be empty." be empty." And the young man puts behind him the archpolitician and his insidious bribes, and caring only for the fair name of England, is sent about his business at the next election. He goes without complaint or regret. For he knows that the House of Commons is no meet place for him. And Opportunity and her slaves flourish exceedingly, and there is not a candid politician of them all who does not know perfectly well why the young of this generation abhor the trade of politics, and not one who cares a jot whether the young come into the game or stay outside. At least they are certain that cynicism will win an easy victory for them over principle, and that since resignation went out of fashion it is "all for quarter day." |