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all his merits, sufferings, and the good character he had in both kingdoms, were not enough to counter-balance the objection of being a Protestant, and therefore by no means to be intrusted; so that, after some time's attendance, as a cypher, he was rewarded with a pass to return to England, for they had there no occasion for him.

Sir Theophilus Oglethorpe, who, by his capacity as well as services, was encouraged to go over, and offer his assistance, met with sir Andrew Forrester's fate, upon account of his religion; and was so unkindly used, that he was very glad to get home to old England again, where, it is expected, he will plot no more.

Mr. Fergus Graham was the only Protestant gentleman in king James's family, but, as soon as they saw that my lord Preston, and col. Graham, his brothers, who ventured so much for that prince, could do them no more service in England, he was discharged for no other reason, but that they thought a Protestant a blemish in their houshold.

Nor was sir William Sharp better used, although he pretended to come over upon the act of parliament in Scotland, to save his estate, for the entertainment he had at St. Germain, before he came away, is very well known. The pension he had, whilst king James's army in Scotland kept up, was taken from him, and he fell under distrusts, with Melford and Innes, and contempt at court; which will appear, to all reasonable men, a sufficient motive for his coming

away.

But the usage of Dr. Cockburn, a Scottish divine, is beyond any thing that can be imagined. This gentleman was banished Scotland for his practices against the government, and afterwards being obliged to leave England, for writing of pamphlets, thought himself secure of a sanctuary at St. Germain, if not, of a reward for his services; but, instead of that, he met with the daily importunities of priests, to make him abandon his religion; and, their endeavours proving vain, they then represented him as a dangerous person, and got him sent from France. He lives now an exile in Holland, both from Britain and France.

Mrs. Ashton, widow to Mr. Ashton, who was executed for his being concerned, in my lord Preston's affairs, went to the court of St. Germain, after her husband's death, as thinking, that she had some merit to plead for a kind reception; but she was as much deceived as any of those, I have already mentioned. Few days after her arrival, priests were sent to tell her, that nothing, but being a Roman Catholick, could recommend a woman to the queen's service, which the poor gentlewoman declining to comply with, was neglected; and, dying soon after, was refused burial, till her father, Mr. Rigby of Covent Garden, as a mighty favour, and at great charges, obtained leave from the court of St. Germain, to have her body brought over into England; and buried her in Covent Garden church.

If these examples are not sufficient to convince our Jacobites, or, if they question the truth of them, for really I must own, that they

are almost incredible; I desire them, to consult the young lord Henmore, Mr. Louthian, captains Murray, Dalyel, Macgil, Mace lean, Fielding, Mr. Charles Kinnaird, and several hundreds more, now in and about London, who are lately come from St. Germain; and they will tell you, that the only reason, why they left that court, was, because they could not have bread, except they would change their religion; and therefore did chuse rather to run the hazard of imprisonment, by returning to England, than stay and starve in France.

Many instances more might be given, to shew king James's hatred to every thing, that bears the name of Protestant; but, if what has already been said, is not sufficient, sure I am, that the rest should be to no purpose. What Protestant has he ever so much as seemed to trust, since he lived in France? I know that my lord Middleton must be excepted, for, indeed, king James has a seeming trust in him. There is no man, that has been at St. Germain, but must needs perceive, that he is not chief minister, as Melford was, nor manages affairs betwixt Versailles and St. Germain, that being done by Innes and Porter: he is but seldom called to the council, and the French court has never depended upon his correspondence, since the disappointment they received, by our fleet's going into the Streights.

I hope, these instances will convince all good men, that have any sense of liberty, religion, and honour, how unreasonable it is to be a Jacobite, and to think that the present misfortunes of king James, will frighten him from invading our laws and liberties in time to come; seeing that neither the abandoning of wives, children, and estates, nor the hazarding, nay, loss of life in his service, can render him just and favourable to such Protestants, who have made a sacrifice of all those things, to follow him: and, if it be so as certainly it is, what must those Protestant nations expect, if ever he re-obtains the government, who have renounced him, and set another prince upon his throne?

If these, who have followed him into France, are denied the exercise of their religion, when his circumstances make it his interest to grant it; what must we expect, if ever he be again in possession of the crown?

My lord chief justice Herbert, and the other gentlemen beforenamed, who firmly adhered to his interests, even in his greatest misfortunes, were contemned, despised, and suffered to starve, because they were Protestants; how can we, or any Protestant Jacobites, who have none of those merits, pretend to be better used? If the loss of honours and estates has not been sufficient to obtain from him Christian burial; upon what ground can our Jacobites, who have done nothing for him, flatter themselves with the hopes of great preferments, if he is re-inthroned? In short, if the example he had of his father's misfortunes, and his brother's exile, wherein he himself was a sharer, together with the sense of his own misfortunes, have not been able to work a reformation

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upon him, as appears by the above-written account; can we expect, that he ever will be made more pliable?

The education of his Prince of Wales, whom, no body doubts, he designs his successor, is another instance of his irreconcileable antipathy to the Protestant religion, and English liberties. One would have thought that interest, as well as policy, would have made him educate his child a Protestant; or, at least, oblige him to put Protestants about him, of unquestioned reputation, to instruct him, in the ways of pleasing the people; but, instead of that, Dr, Beeson, a famous and violent Papist, was made his preceptor; and none but Popish servants are allowed to be about him, so that he can imbibe nothing, but what is for the interest of Rome, and destruction of England.

Can people be so mad, as to expect good terms from a prince, who not only thus treats his Protestant subjects, who have followed him in his misfortunes, but also whose religion lays him under a necessity of doing it? Could greater obligations be laid upon any prince, than were upon him, by the church of England, when a subject? Her interest saved him from being prosecuted for the Popish plot, excluded from the succession to the English throne, and afterwards dethroned by the duke of Monmouth; yet all those obligations were no more than his coronation oath, could not hinder him from invading the Protestant religion in general, but more particularly the liberties of the church of England.

But, perhaps, some will object against what I have said, that, from the entertainment Protestants meet with, at St. Germain, it is not reasonable to conclude, that king James bears still such an aversion to our religion and liberties: for, being himself but a refugee in France, and having nothing to live upon, but the pension, the French king allows him, it is not in his power to reward those Protestants who have followed him, even not to caress them; and therefore, we ought rather to peruse the declarations, he has put out, since his being in France, for therein we shall find undeniable proofs, that his misfortunes have much altered his mind. Read (will our Jacobites say) the declaration he published upon his intended descent from La Hogue, and observe what promises he makes, both in relation to our religion, and our liberties, the sincerity whereof you have no manner of pretence to question; for then, thinking himself sure of his game, nothing could oblige him to disguise the true sentiments of his heart.

This is somewhat indeed, gentlemen, and, were the thing as you say, I would agree with you; but give me leave to tell you, that it is a great question, whether the declaration you speak of, which was printed here, did really contain king James's sentiments; but, whether it was his own declaration, or sir James Mountgomery's, it does not matter a pin; for his late majesty did publickly disown it, in a memorial to the Pope, upon his return to Paris; and it has been acknowledged in a Jacobite pamphlet, called, 'An Answer to Dr. Wellwood's answer to King James's Declaration :'

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that the same was formed without his knowledge, and against his inclination.

I have told you, in the beginning of this discourse, that I believe, that there are among you some conscientious men, and to those I shall say nothing at this time, but to such that are angry with the government (as I know many amongst you are) merely because they cannot have any employment under it, and who think, without any further examination, to better their condition by a second revolution: I will say, that they ought to consider, that king James's popish friends must be all provided for first of all; and, pray, what will remain then for you? For, as to pensions, I think you are not so mad as to flatter yourself with such imaginary hopes; for the French army, that brings king James over, must be paid, and their vast charges for the Irish war, and the maintenance of king James re-imbursed, before your beloved prince be in a condition to express his favour to you. Perhaps, you will say, that the French king is too much a gentleman to demand any such thing; but I do not know what has given you that noble idea of his generosity: but, supposing his temper to be such, this war will so much drain his Exchequer, that necessity will force him to demand what is justly owing to him, and who shall be able to dispute his bill of charges? Nay, will king James be able to satisfy him? I do not know; but this I am sure of, that, as long as you profess the Protestant religion, you cannot expect to be more favourably treated, than his present followers.

Some others amongst you are disaffected, because, as they say, without the restoration of king James, a Protestant war will be entailed on the nation, and because our treasure is exhausted by taxes, and our blood expended beyond sea, which the nation cannot long bear.

To these gentlemen I must answer, that they are much mistaken; for the bringing in of king James, which they think will put an end to these troubles, would infallibly bring the seat of war from Flanders into England: for it is unreasonable to suppose, that so many noblemen and gentlemen, as are engaged in king William's cause, would tamely submit, or that his majesty, whose interest in Europe is so very great, would either ingloriously abandon his throne, or want foreign assistance to support him in it.

2. King James and the French king are both old, and, upon a change of a governor in France, we may reasonably expect a change of measures; for, as to the Prince of Wales, his interest stands, or falls, with that of his supposed father: but, after all, is it reasonable to believe, that the French, or any other nation, will live in perpetual war with us, merely for the sake of a prince, who pretends to be deprived of his rights? There are very few knightserrants in this age, or, at least, sure I am, that no nation in general is acted by their principles; and we see the French offer already to forsake him.

3. I grant, that our taxes are greater than ever our nation paid; but yet they are not so heavy, but that we can hold it out many

years at this rate. In short, whatever they be, I believe there is no good man, but will rather hazard his person to keep the enemy abroad, than see a French and Irish army in the bowels of our own country, destroying our substance, burning our habitations, and committing the barbarities, which they committed in the Palatinate for, certainly, by one month's ravage of this nature, we should lose more blood and treasure, than can, probably, be spent to bring the war to an honourable and happy conclusion.

That happy moment is not, perhaps, so far, as some people imagine; for whosoever will cast his eyes on the present posture of affairs in Europe, must needs conclude, that the French cannot hold it out much longer.

THE WARS AND CAUSES OF THEM,

BETWEEN

ENGLAND AND FRANCE,

FROM

WILLIAM THE FIRST TO WILLIAM THE THIRD,

WITH A

TREATISE OF THE SALIQUE LAW.

By D. J. and revised by R. C. Esq: MDCXCVIL

GE

REAT and various have the actions been between England and France, since the invasion of the Normans, anno dom. 1066, which makes September next * just 629 years; but, that the French nation should make a conquest of England hereby, nothing is more manifestly untrue, that people being a distinct nation from the French, who conquering that province by main force, from Neustria, called it Normandia, in the reign of Charles le Simple; whence, by the way, it is worth remarking, what kind of kings France hath often had, and what sort of epithets their own chronicles give them, which stand upon publick record to all posterity, as Charles le Simple, Charles le Chauve, Charles le Gros, Charles le Gras, Charles le Phrenetique, Phillip le long, Lovis le Begue, &c. Now, though there have been many and mighty quarrels, warlike encounters, and feuds betwixt England and France, yet, in the reign of the Saxon kings, the historians make little mention of any; but since England was joined,

* 1697.

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