army in Spain. Instead of extinguishing the spirit of liberty, it has served rather to cherish and increase the growing disposition of the people for a constitution. Hence a system of inquisitorial superintendence, extending, as nearly as possible, to every individual of intelligence in the whole community, has been rendered necessary on the part of a government foolishly resolved to exercise absolute power. A system of more grinding oppression never had an example in the world, except, perhaps, that which prevails in Ireland. The following details will afford some idea of its character and extent:

'The constitutional party, now decimated by the scaffold or by banishment, was composed of almost all the enlightened members of the aristocracy, of proprietors and commercial men. Most of this party, which is, to say the least, very numerous, live under a sort of perpetual suspicion, and those of them who were employed under the authority of the Cortes, are objects of particular vigilance. To extinguish them the famous law of purification was got up, which is a real tax-a new method of making persons pay for the places which it was desired to take away from them. In a succeeding chapter, I shall give the official precedent of the informations to be taken under such circumstances. In the meantime, an immense majority of the law and medical students, not purified, were excluded, since the restoration, from the public courses of these faculties. Their admission to the schools of law and medicine are prohibited, and they are, consequently, obliged to give up a pursuit which would one day have established them in independent circumstances. A person who is known to have joined, directly or indirectly, the constitutional party, if he requires a passport, is desired to set down the places whither he is to direct his journey; and should there be two roads leading to the place, he must make his election between them. The towns and villages through which he is to pass are carefully noted in his passport, and he is obliged to shew it to the local authorities as he goes on, on pain of arrest. The royal volunteers alone are entitled to travel armed. They are to be met with in great numbers, with a sabre by their side, should they be on horseback; with a musket, if walking; a very great privilege in a country where a person is in constant danger of assassination, even at the very gates of the capital.

The merchants, physicians, advocates, hotel-keepers, all those who are enlightened, and in easy circumstances, to whatever profession they belong, are connected with the constitutional party. The more prudent, in general, observe silence with respect to politics: others confine the expression of their disapprobation to an ironical laugh, when any body speaks of the excesses of the apostolical faction, in their presence. The officers who had the command of the army of the Cortes, or of the provincial militia, maintain the utmost reserve; but this discretion proceeds from an excessive spirit of revenge by which they are animated. Veterans in the war of in

dependence, once so proud, now so humbled, with what eyes can they look on the young officers, scented all over, insulting their lowly state every day, either in the avenues to the Prado, or from the galleries of the Escurial? Should a new storm ever sweep over the Peninsula, there will be a terrible cloud over the ranks of this body, which hatred and fanaticism shall have decimated. I could not hear without concern the barbarous ac

VOL. IV.

2 M

counts of those old officers, who thought that they fought for their country, and had reason to lament that their victories were earned for capuchins, How many of them have I seen lament that their blood was shed in the war against Napoleon, when they compared the effects of the theocratic power with the vast projects of Ferdinand's gaoler!

The Apostolicals, that is to say, the majority of the nation (for we must count the people as we would flocks and herds, by heads), are not yet cloyed with the proscription and slaughter of this party. Three or four thousand assassinations, ten thousand families in exile; from twelve to fifteen hundred judicial executions, are unable to satiate this stupid population, which observes one hundred and fifty holidays every year, not to mention those days when victims are either hung or buried, and who are brought to the place of execution in baskets, drawn by asses. The monks dispose of this multitude according to their furious passions: by its means do they prolong the agonies, and multiply the sufferings, of their victims: by its means they influence, occasionally, the councils of the prince, exclaiming, under the windows of his palace, "Long live the absolute king! Long live the holy inquisition !"- pp. 141-145.

There is no question, that what is called the Apostolical party is, at present, the predominant power in Spain. To what extent they mean to carry their hostility to freedom, in their own country, as well as in Portugal, may be collected from their recent proceedings. Among these we must relate, in the words of M. Blanqui, the outrage which they committed against the laws of nations, by their treatment of the son of Murat. Our author received the anecdote from captain Hunter Ward, of the 43d regiment, stationed at Gibraltar.

It is known that last year, Lucien Murat, son of the ex-king of Naples, proceeding from Europe to America, stopped, some time, at Malaga to provide himself with a supply of wine. One day, as he was walking near the harbour, he was accosted by a wretched looking man, who offered a sabre of very fine appearance, which he said he wanted to part with. Young Murat declined purchasing it at first, saying that such a weapon was useless to one who was just going on board. However, at length he was overcome by the entreaties of this man, who stated himself to be a reduced officer, -no rare character in Spain. Up to that moment nothing unusual occurred, except what might naturally take place between seller and purchaser. The son of the ex-king soon landed at Gibraltar, where he waited a means of transport to America. He became intimate with the officers of the garrison, amongst whom was Mr. Hunter Ward, the pèrson of whom I received the following anecdote:-On a fine day, having shewn himself several times on horseback in the lines*, our traveller received a note to the following purport: "Sir, a woman whose heart is yours, is informed that you are about to set out on a very long voyage, and it is possible she may never see you again. She trusts to your houour, and desires to speak with you for a moment. Leave the lines-she waits for you." This note was, very soon, no longer a mystery, and Lucien Murat thought himself very

The neutral space between the English posts and the Spanish videttes is so called.'

fortunate, and was envied not by a few. But he was destined to undergo a bitter disappointment. Scarcely had he passed the English territory, when a Spanish alguazil seized his horse, and conducted the rider to a neighbouring port, where he was recognised. "Are you not the son of Murat?" "My father was the king of Naples." "Whence do you come hither?" (The passport was a jocose one, and he dare not exhibit it). "Sir, I am taking an airing." "Taking an airing! it is you that have been purchasing Riego's sabre at Malaga-you hold the magic weapon of the revolutionists --you come to conspire, wretch!" And forthwith he was plunged into a dungeon, instead of meeting with expected bliss. There, stretched on a pallet of straw, and subsisting on the vilest food, he was obliged, for more than a month, to put up with the grossest insults. "Villain!" they would say to him, "you shall atone for the crimes of your father, and the massacre at Madrid; never shall you see liberty again, and happy will it be for you if you are not torn to pieces." Such were the communications which he heard from morning until night. The English officers, now thinking that his good fortune was lasting a long time, began to be apprehensive for him and at length they thought of making inquiries of the Spanish authorities about him. Their frequent applications being unavailable, an official summons was at last sent, on the part of the governor of Gibraltar: the unfortunate Lucien, all pale and haggard, emerged from his dungeon, whither he had been dragged, to all appearance, deliberately, and with a degree of perfidy, the bare idea of which makes one shudder. But he was suffered to leave his prison only on condition that he would embark by the first vessel for America.'-pp. 170—174.

We do not find any further political details worth transcribing. M. Blanqui devotes several chapters to the proceedings of the Cortes, in 1823, on the departure of the king for Seville, and again on his departure from the latter city to Cadiz, and during his residence there. The first removal has been fully described already by Mr. Quin, in his "Visit to Spain," from his own personal observation. The history of the Cortes, after their arrival at Seville, M. Blanqui has supplied from documents which have been published long since, and therefore we deem it unnecessary to refer to them here. We regret that he was not allowed to complete his intended tour, as, under the existing circumstances of Spain and Portugal, a work detailing their actual condition, would be highly interesting, and peculiarly valuable in our own country.

ART. XII. Souvenirs de l'Emigration, a l'usage de l'epoque actuelle. Par le Marquis de Marcillac. 8vo., pp. 218. Paris: Baudouin. 1825. ONE of the questions intimately connected with the history of the French Revolution, which has never yet been fully discussed, is this, Was the emigration of the noblesse, politic? Was it not, in

Murat commanded at Madrid at the time of the famous insurrection in 1808, against the French, and then he cared very little about spilling Spanish blood.'

fact, the principal cause of all the disasters that followed? They abandoned their high stations in the community, and their places were instantly filled up by the very dregs of the populace, not only in Paris, but throughout the provinces. Hence, no sense of decency or justice presided over these assemblies and tribunals, to which the fortunes of the state were thus unhappily committed; and nothing was heard of, during the existence of the republic, but measures of the most atrocious nature, calculated to retain the power so acquired, in the brawny hands, to whose violence no resistance was offered.

In the little volume before us, the author slightly considers this question, and insists that events have, manifestly, proved the impolicy of a measure, which was, at first, believed to be the best security for the safety of the monarchy. He justly observes, that ' to remove one's-self from the throne, in order to support it; to go out of France, in order to re-conquer France; to divest one's-self of one's influence, in order to make use of that influence, were unpardonable errors, upon which history ought to pass the severest judgment.' Notwithstanding this observation, the greater part of M. de Marcillac's book is occupied with what may be called his reminiscences of the emigration, which he relates in a lively and enthusiastic manner.

He left his paternal roof on the 20th of March, 1791, and after traversing Switzerland, where he thought the fire of the revolution was extinct, and where he was now taught a very different doctrine, having with difficulty escaped from being stoned to death as an emigrant, he arrived at Worms, and presented himself to the prince de Condé and the dukes de Bourbon and d'Enghien. 'I was inscribed,' he informs us, 'on the list of honour. I was the sixtieth. This list was soon filled up to the number of one hundred and such was the enthusiasm of the moment, that when this number was completed, the list was closed; and we, unanimously, declared every Frenchman disgraced, and unworthy to serve the king, whose name was not found on this sacred roll, of which we each took a formal copy. I well remember, while it grieves me to think of a degree of passionate enthusiasm which has been so often productive of the most injurious consequences, and which we always blame when reason resumes her empire, that we objected to the admission of a colonel of the Queen's cavalry, who solicited to be enrolled, as the hundred and first or second.' It is no wonder, therefore, that so many emigrants, who tendered their services after this 'sacred roll' was completed, should have complained of the cool reception which they experienced. Folly itself could not have devised a more absurd and mischievous plan for serving the monarchy than this.

The details which M. de Marcillac furnishes of the treatment experienced by the emigrants, from their allies, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, throw great light on many proceedings which have

been hitherto wrapped in clouds of mystery. He relates one striking fact, which quite surprised us, and which he gives as an illustration of what he calls the perfidy that governed the councils of the cabinets,' at the moment that Dumouriez was concentrating his force on the post of Islettes, in order to cover Chalons and the road to Paris.

"The head-quarters of the princes were established at Somme-Suippes ; those of the king of Prussia at the Chateau Dampierre. The position of the French army had been reconnoitred, and it was found so impracticable, that it caused the plan of attack to be delayed for a long time. It appeared even, that some idea was entertained, at one moment, of turning their position, and of taking the road to Rheims. But in a council, at which the princes and some of their generals attended, it was resolved to attack the position by main force. The princes demanded, as the post of danger, the assault of the battery on the right. The day was appointed for this affair, which was to decide the fate of the campaign, and to open to the allies the road to Paris, if they obtained the victory, of which they had no doubt. The Prince Royal, or prince Louis of Prussia (I cannot remember which of the two it was), had dined with the princes the day but one after the council, in which the battle had been determined on. He had staid late, and did not set out till it was dark night. He did not know the roads; a guide was sent with him, whom I relieved on his passing the Somme-Tourbe, then occupied by the coalition of Auvergne. It was one o'clock in the morning when we arrived at the Chateau de Dampierre. I was taking leave of the prince, when he said to me, "Monsieur l'aide-decamp, you must be fatigued; stop here a while: I shall visit the out-posts at day-break; you can accompany me, and I will shew you, in detail, the position of the French republican army. The princes will be glad to have the report which you will be enabled to make to them." We mounted our horses at three o'clock in the morning. The prince traversed the whole line of the French army. When he was opposite the battery on the right, “That,” said his highness, "is the battery which the princes have expressed their wishes to attack. If we engage in the battle, we shall undoubtedly gain it, but to what purpose can it serve? To cause some men to be killed-that is all. We shall not save the king; the French do not wish it, as I am well assured. I have been lately in Dumouriez's camp; I have seen his army; I have been well received by it; but it has no solicitude for the king; such, too, is the general feeling among the soldiers. Why, then, shed blood for an object which we cannot attain ?"

We need not add, that a retreat was ordered, and that the projected battle was not fought.

There is a certain precipitancy of statement apparent in this work, which prevents the cautious reader from reposing unqualified confidence in the assertion of M. de Marcillac. Yet we have no doubt that his errors, if any there be, are not intentional, and that, though he may not always remember accurately, he never consciously invents for the purpose of practising any unworthy deception.