thing, but a flat, dry, and barren diseussion, been put in a manner negative."

sufficiently explicit. The hon. Mr. Goulburn expressed his sur- baronet, who had brought it forprise that Mr. Brougham should ward, had treated it with the genehave extracted a promise of the rosity and prodigality of argument recognition of the Catholic claims, of a person who thought that all, from a royal speech in which there or at least that the main point, was not a word about the matter, was included in his resolution. Of and should have told the House this an unfair and unwarrantable that “ to be admitted to a partici- advantage had been taken, simply pation in the blessings of the because the hon. baronet had not British constitution,” necessarily asked the plain question, which meant a seat in parliament. If was all that was intended by the gentlemen would consider for a resolution, “Do you, a new parmoment the time at which that liament, entertain the same opispeech was made, the real meaning nions that your predecessors did?" of it could not be mistaken. In He should not have expected such the preceding year, martial law interpretations of the resolution as had been in force in Ireland ; and had been put forth, even from a then, after the Union, the king member who had sat for the first came down and said, that the peo- time in that House, and least of ple of that country should now be all would he have expected such admitted to the blessings of the an example of confusion from judiBritish constitution. When this cial accuracy in the person of the fact was recollected, it was easy to Master of the Rolls. The speech see the meaning of the expression. of that learned gentleman had For his own part, so far from commenced and concluded with entertaining feelings of hostility complaining that no security had against the Catholics, he had been been propounded for the Protestant induced to act towards them, in his religion. But could any thing be official capacity, in a more favourable more unreasonable, than to commanner than he should otherwise plain of such a want in a resoluhave done, from the simple reflection tion like this? When the House that he was politically opposed to had given its opinion upon the them. If he could bring himself to question before them, it would be believe, that to grant emancipation time enough to take these securiwas consistent with the safety ties into consideration, and engraft of the country, or would remove them upon any subsequent measure the distresses of Ireland, he would which might follow upon that cheerfully accede to it; but, con- decision. The question now provinced as he was, that its dangers posed was simply, “ Is the House would be greater than its benefits, deeply impressed with the neceshe felt himself called upon to give sity of taking immediately into a decided negative to the proposi, consideration the laws inflicting tion before the House.

penalties on his majesty's Roman Mr. Canning closed the debate. Catholic subjects with the view of He said he would call the atten- removing them?” And this was no tion of the House to the nature of unimportant question, no question the question before them, which of idle curiosity: it was asked, behad not yet, in any stage of the cause the House had been returned

to its constituents, and because it bill. The House had been told, had been endeavoured to spread that the failure of that bill shewed abroad an impression, that it was how useless all securities were, and now sent back wholly changed. this upon the supposition that the The object of the resolution was, to bill failed, because the Catholic ascertain whether this change had ecclesiastics refused to agree to the been wrought; for if it had been securities. But the truth was, that known to be so, which he did the Speaker of that day opposed, not believe, it would have been not the securities, but the conces highly injudicious to excite angry sion of seats in parliament, and, by feelings, by bringing the subject his conduct of that day, left us the forward at such a time. He precious legacy we were now en. protested against being told at this joying. It was in that way that stage of the business, that the se, the bill of 1813 had failed. The curity of the Protestant religion, Catholic ecclesiastics, who felt that or other matters which were alto, they had gone somewhat too far gether of a subsequent nature, in the concessions, like men who should be mixed up with it now. had been engaged in a hard barIt had been said, that those, who gain which was off, denied that voted for a bill with securities in they had ever consented to the 1813, and now voted for a resolu, terms. It had never been a printion which said nothing about se ciple to make a bargain with the curities, were guilty of incon- ecclesiastics, to know how much sistency. But how stood the fact? they would give and take, and to In 1812, he had carried, at the frame the bill from their answer. close of a parliament, resolutions On the contrary, if there had been similar to that now before the one principle which he had incul. House. The new parliament had cated ad nauseam, it was that adopted the pledge, and his friend which he had inculcated in 1812, Mr. Grattan had brought in the and from which no courtship, no bill. He (Mr. Canning) had un- kindness, no entreaties, would make dertaken to furnish a scheme of him depart; viz. that he would not securities, which met the approba- interchange a word on this subjeet tion of the House. They con with a Roman Catholic. He resisted of two points: the first was, commended to the House to come to give the crown a certain authore to a decision of what was right, ity

in the nomination of Catholic and that would enable them, not bishops ; and the other was, to to leave it to the Catholics to hesisubject the private correspondence tate and accept, but to make them between the court of Rome and obey. This, whether a kindness the professors of the Catholic reli- or a penalty, was the only princigion here to the inspection of go. ple on which parliament could levernment. But, supposing he had gislate at all, and, when it made a thought any restrictions necessary, bargain, it abandoned its duty. what had that to do with the bill ? It had been stated, not quite inThe question, as to the bishops, genuously, that the crown had auwas now done away with by the thority in the nomination of the restoration of the pope ; and there bishops in Prussia, and other conwas in Rome an authority which tinental countries. The king of did not exist at the date of that the Netherlands was in negotiation for a similar power, as was the doned the securities.* The attack, court of Saxony; but how did therefore, was not unexpected; they get it? They went to the but the quarter from which it had fountain_head — to the pope of been now made, was the last from Rome. They had means which we which he could have expected it. had not. He had seen in popular He now came to another branch books, that to correspond with the of the securities—those relating pope was high treason, and, there- to the private correspondence with fore, when the pope addressed a Rome. If there were any perletter to our gracious king, he (Mr. sons who really thought, and did Canning) took the advice of the not merely pretend, for the purposes law officers of the crown, who of debate, that any danger could were of opinion, that, in answering accrue from a correspondence with the pope's letter, he would incur the court of Rome respecting the the penalties of a premunire. marriage of second cousins twice [Here Mr. Canning read the opi- removed, it was for them to bring nion signed “ R. Gifford and John in a bill to regulate such correCopley."]

spondence.

This practice was The Master of the Rolls having known to go on daily. The 13th observed to him, that it was a of Elizabeth, cap. 2., made it higb private and confidential opinion, treason for any person to get and

Mr. Canning continued. It was publish a bull from the court of true, he had made this application Rome. There was not a day in in confidence, but he had a right which some Catholic did not comto acquaint the House with it, mit this offence, and yet his right when he saw occasion. He being hon. friend (Mr. Peel) could get an ignorant person, looked into up and gravely say, that the counBurn's Justice, where he found try could not be in safety unless that the penalties attached to a these bulls were taken by the horns. premunire, were attainder, for- He could not believe that any perfeiture of his goods, incapacity to son was sincere, who, having slumbring actions, and that he might bered over this practice for ages, be slain by any one. As this was without proposing

remedy, a matter touching life and fortune, thought of it only at the moment he could not be expected, after when the Catholic question came having acquired this knowledge, to on to be debated. Now they were go to the pope of Rome, and yet arraigned in the face of the nation. to the

pope of Rome they must go They were asked to give security, if they would have any security. and it was said to be his fault, that [The Master of the Rolls repeated these bulls ran wild and unchecked his remark, that the opinion was over the country. Was it possible private and confidential).

to find words strong enough to Mr. Canning resumed. This express the contempt with which circumstance had been unthought he treated such accusations ? He of by him, from the period at wished to know whether the which it occurred to a very recent lords ascribed any importance to time, but he had seen elsewhere these securities ? ' If there an impeachment upon his honour and honesty. He had read in print by Dr. Philpotts, which was in great

* Mr. Canning alluded to a pamphlet an accusation that he had aban- circulation at the time,

а

was

any danger, why was the country king. But, although no positive left without protection ? If there promise had been given to the was none, why were these practices Catholics at the time of the Union, held out as working ill? What they undoubtedly lent their aid to other dangers might await the that measure on the understandquestion at the eleventh hour, he ing that greater facilities would had yet to learn. A singular fate thereby be afforded for their always attended this question. emancipation. Now when two They who izdvocated it, put to its thirds of the population of Ireland opponents these questions — Will were in its favour, the Union was you do what we propose? Will the bar to its being carried. He you do nothing? Will you do admitted that the understanding something ?--and-What will you alluded to was neither a compact do? Why do you dislike what we nor a treaty ; but it ought to have propose? The only answer to these some weight in the scale of the was_We wont do what you pro- judgment of the House. pose: the others were left un- He could not get rid of the answered : and from 1813 to the impression that the distaste to present time he had not been able the question in this country was to learn what dangers they appre- stronger now than it had been hended. The Commander-in-chief before. This he avowed was his and the admiral of the fleet might opinion, but he was convinced be Catholics. No securities were that to the effect of repeated disasked to guard the truncheon by cussions these impressions must sea and by land, while the most gradually give way; for that which operose precautions were adopted right reason, justice, and humanity for opening a letter, the object of demanded aloud, could not long which was to enable a man to eat fail to find an echo in the bosoms meat on a fast-day. By the act of of Englishmen. The motion be1793, a Catholic might be called fore the House was simply, that to the bar--the House knew with the state of Ireland, and the Cawhat distinction, in some instances tholics of Ireland, was such as to -- but he could not wear a silk demand consideration : to this no gown. · An officer might rise to be opposition but a negative one was a general, and no securities were offered, the effect of which was, demanded of him. He agreed that that the House did not consider nothing had been positively said the Catholics of Ireland as worthy by Mr. Pitt at the period of the objects of their concern. That Union : but of Mr. Pitt's firm was the issue on which they were intention to carry the Catholic now going to their verdict. The question he was willing to depose motion went no further than parbefore any tribunal, with perfect liament had before gone, and the confidence that he was deposing House might reserve to itself the the truth. He had no knowledge, time and the manner in which it nor had heard

would act. If, on the other hand, the point, who had any knowledge, this motion should be negatived, say, that Mr. Pitt had any other- it would be an admission, that the vise altered his opinion, than that state of Ireland was unworthy of he was resolved not to stir the consideration; and he would rather question during the life of the late imagine than express the conse

:

quences which he feared might tian piety," and calmly await the ensue,

course of events, in the hope that On the suggestion of sir Charles Britain would repent and relax Forbes, the word "expediency" “ before the Catholics were driven was substituted for “necessity :” to the very verge of despair.” and the House having divided, the With much less good sense and motion was lost by a majority of moderation a non-intercourse resofour, the numbers being, for the lution was talked of, in virtue of motion 272, against it, 276--the which all adherents of the Catholic division proving, notwithstanding party were to give up the use of Mr. Canning's disbelief of the fact, articles of British manufacture, that the cause of the Catholics had and all dealings with Britons themlost by the general election, and selves; and it was ostentatiously justifying his opinion that the held out that with a resolution of question of their claims was re- the same kind “the American garded in Britain with increased Revolution had commenced.” To distaste.

deprive Ireland of a market for In consequence of the issue her grain, her linen, and her proof the debate, the order of the visions, was an idea worthy of day in the House of Lords, for those who proclaimed themselves taking the Catholic petition into to be the only men either consideration on the 15th, was anxious or active to promote discharged on the 8th, on the mo- her prosperity. Other public tion of the marquis of Lansdowne. organs of the party proclaimed, “ He feared,” he said, “to add, in that the time for debate and disthe present state of feeling in Ire- cussion was passed, and threw off land, to the disastrous conviction the thin veil which had hitherto in the minds of the Catholics, disguised, but not concealed, their that a majority of both Houses of designs against the established Parliament was determined to re- church. “ Against that church as ject the consideration of their a temporality," said they, “must claims."

the whole energies of the Catholics This

feeling" in Ireland be directed. The church has sworn did not lead to language in any eternal enmity against the Cathodegree more menacing or vin- lics, and the Catholics must put a dictive than that which, for vow in Heaven against the church." months, had preceded the discus. It was further seriously proposed, sion. A general meeting of the that petitions should immediately Catholics of Dublin, after expres- be presented, praying for a repeal sing “the regret, and awful fore- of the Union. This mad idea, or bodings," with which they viewed something very like it, founded the vote of the House of Commons, apparently on what had been so and describing it as a vote which much pressed in the debate, viz., rejected even all consideration of that the Irish Catholics had been

“ of seven millions of induced to accede to the Union by oppressed, injured, and highly dis- the prospect of emancipation, contented, subjects,” exhorted the seemed even to have found favour people to refrain from giving way in the House of Commons; for, to exasperated feelings, to cultivate within a few days after the de"peace, perseverance, and Chris- cision of the question, Mr. M.

the prayers