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demagogues were raising disaffec- have hitherto done. We have now tion, and were attempted in vain arrived unhappily at a crisis, when to be put down by a vigour be- no man living can increase the disyond the law. These demagogues content which prevails. Let it be were obstinately persevering, and supposed that, in any nation there defying the law and government is a minority, and that minority of the realm. Were these things too a small one, which possessed all without a cause ? “What is to power, both civil and ecclesiastical, be done?”—This question the Mas- and persevered in oppressing the ter of the Rolls had declined to majority, notwithstanding the most answer on the ground that it did urgent and temperate remonnot fall within his department. strances ; and suppose,' to make K I am not a cabinet minister," the picture more distressing, but said he: let the ministers, to whom at the same time to increase the that question properly belongs, resemblance, that there had been decide it; I came here to oppose this promised a speedy recognition of question on the part of my consti- their rights: if such a state of tuents; all of them are, to a man, things existed, and I were one of against the Catholics; they have such a body, who had been thus sent me here to oppose their emane treated ; if I, moreover, heard my cipation, and, by a parity of rea- religion every day treated with soning, they have sent my noble contempt, and did not rebel,-it colleague to support it"-as if the would only be because I thought, University of Cambridge had given that no oppression in the world the House opposite data, to ena- could justify rebellion. If, howble them to solve the problem, ever, any condition would justify —what was its opinion. The Mas- rebellion, it is a condition like this ; ter of the Rolls turned over the and whether rebellion can or canquestion to the Home Secretary; not be justified, I am quite sure and the Home Secretary left it that, in a country like England, where he had found it; and thus bellion would inevitably ensue was this great question abandoned, under such circumstances. I will which had agitated not Ireland only add in conclusion, that I trust merely, but England and Europe. this act of conciliation will now at If some

expedient was not length be done. I entreat the thought of to meet the danger un- House to reflect, that no man on der the present aspect of affairs, the other side has ventured to say the remedy must be adopted which that Ireland can remain in its prehad been proposed, not for the first, sent condition; that no man has nor for the twentieth time. « I do thrown out an alternative, or sugnot wish,“ said Mr. Brougham,” to gested a remedy, for evils which use strong language, and much are not only allowed on every less am I inclined to indulge in hand to exist, but which are also expressions which may be miscon- admitted to have risen to a height strued elsewhere ; but it would be altogether insupportable ; that on to fail in the duty which I owe to the one side the prospect of myself to say less than this, namely, peace, and tranquillity, and happithat, if the request of the Catho- ness, is held out, and that it is lics be refused them now, they proposed to meet it on the other will never again ask it as they hand by nothing, absolutely now thing, but a flat, dry, and barren discussion, been put in a manner negative."

sufficiently explícit. The hon. Mr. Goulburn expressed his sur- baronet, who had brought it forprise that Mr. Brougham should ward, had treated it with the genehave extracted a promise of the rosity and prodigality of argument recognition of the Catholic claims, of a person who thought that all, from a royal speech in which there or at least that the main point, was not a word about the matter, was included in his resolution. Of and should have told the House this an unfair and unwarrantable that “ to be admitted to a partici- advantage had been taken, simply pation in the blessings of the because the hon. baronet had not British constitution,” necessarily asked the plain question, which meant “a seat in parliament." If was all that was intended by the gentlemen would consider for a resolution, “Do you, a new parmoment the time at which that liament, entertain the same opispeech was made, the real meaning nions that your predecessors did?" of it could not be mistaken. In He should not have expected such the preceding year, martial law interpretations of the resolution as had been in force in Ireland; and had been put forth, even from a then, after the Union, the king member who had sat for the first came down and said, that the peo time in that House, and least of ple of that country should now be all would he have expected such admitted to the blessings of the an example of confusion from judiBritish constitution. When this cial accuracy in the person of the fact was recollected, it was easy to Master of the Rolls. The speech see the meaning of the expression of that learned gentleman had For his own part, so far from commenced and concluded with entertaining feelings of hostility complaining that no security had against the Catholics, he had been been propounded for the Protestant induced to act towards them, in his religion. But could any thing be official capacity, in a more favourable more unreasonable, than to commanner than he should otherwise plain of such a want in a resoluhave done, from the simple reflection tion like this? When the House that he was politically opposed to had given its opinion upon the them. If he could bring himself to question before them, it would be believe, that to grant emancipation time enough to take these securiwas consistent with the safety ties into consideration, and engraft of the country, or would remove them upon any subsequent measure the distresses of Ireland, he would which might follow upon that cheerfully accede to it; but, con- decision. The question now provinced as he was, that its dangers posed was simply, “ Is the House would be greater than its benefits, deeply impressed with the neces. he felt himself called upon to give sity of taking immediately into a decided negative to the proposi, consideration the laws inflicting tion before the House.

penalties on his majesty's Roman Mr. Canning closed the debate. Catholic subjects with the view of He said he would call the atten, removing them ?" And this was no tion of the House to the nature of unimportant question, no question the question before them, which of idle curiosity: it was asked, behad not yet, in any stage of the cause the House had been returned

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to its constituents, and because it bill. The House had been told, had been endeavoured to spread that the failure of that bill shewed abroad an impression, that it was how useless all securities were, and now sent back wholly changed. this upon the supposition that the The object of the resolution was, to bill failed, because the Catholic ascertain whether this change had ecclesiastics refused to agree to the been wrought; for if it had been securities. But the truth was, that known to be so, which he did the Speaker of that day opposed, not believe, it would have been not the securities, but the conceshighly injudicious to excite angry sion of seats in parliament, and, by feelings, by bringing the subject his conduct of that day, left us the forward at such a time. He precious legacy we were now en protested against being told at this joying. It was in that way that stage of the business, that the se, the bill of 1813 had failed. The curity of the Protestant religion, Catholic ecclesiastics, who felt that or other matters which were alto, they had gone somewhat too far gether of a subsequent nature, in the concessions, like men who should be mixed up with it now. had been engaged in a hard barIt had been said, that those, who gain which was off, denied that voted for a bill with securities in they had ever consented to the 1813, and now voted for a resolu, terms. It had never been a printion which said nothing about se ciple to make a bargain with the curities, were guilty of incon- ecclesiastics, to know how much sistency. But how stood the fact? they would give and take, and to In 1812, he had carried, at the frame the bill from their answer. elose of a parliament, resolutions On the contrary, if there had been similar to that now before the one principle which he had inculHouse. The new parliament had cated ad nauseam, it was that adopted the pledge, and his friend which he had inculcated in 1812, Mr. Grattan had brought in the and from which no courtship, no bill. He (Mr. Canning) had un, kindness, no entreaties, would make dertaken to furnish a scheme of him depart ; viz. that he would not securities, which met the approba- interchange a word on this subjeet tion of the House. They con. with a Roman Catholic. He resisted of two points: the first was, commended to the House to come to give the crown a certain author- to a decision of what was right, ity in the nomination of Catholic and that would enable them, not bishops ; and the other was, to to leave it to the Catholics to hesisubject the private correspondence tate and accept, but to make them between the court of Rome and obey. This, whether a kindness the professors of the Catholic reli- or a penalty, was the only princigion here to the inspection of go- ple on which parliament could levernment. But, supposing he had gislate at all, and, when it made a thought any restrictions necessary, bargain, it abandoned its duty. what had that to do with the bill ? It had been stated, not quite inThe question, as to the bishops, genuously, that the crown had auwas now done away with by the thority in the nomination of the restoration of the pope ; and there bishops in Prussia, and other conwas in Rome an authority which tinental countries. The king of did not exist at the date of that the Netherlands was in negotiation for a similar power, as was the doned the securities.* The attack, court of Saxony; but how did therefore, was not unexpected; they get it?

They went to the but the quarter from which it had fountain head- - to the pope of been now made, was the last from Rome. They had means which we which he could have expected it. had not. He had seen in popular He now came to another branch books, that to correspond with the of the securities—those relating pope was high treason, and, there to the private correspondence with fore, when the pope addressed a Rome. If there were any perletter to our gracious king, he (Mr. sons who really thought, and did Canning) took the advice of the not merely pretend, for the purposes law officers of the crown, who of debate, that any danger could were of opinion, that, in answering accrue from a correspondence with the pope's letter, he would incur the court of Rome respecting the the penalties of a premunire. marriage of second cousins twice [Here Mr. Canning read the opi- removed, it was for them to bring nion signed “ R. Gifford and John in a bill to regulate such correCopley."]

spondence. This practice was The Master of the Rolls having known to go on daily. The 13th observed to him, that it was a of Elizabeth, cap. 2., made it high private and confidential opinion, treason for any person to get and

Mr. Canning continued. It was publish a bull from the court of true, he had made this application Rome. There was not a day in in confidence, but he had a right which some Catholic did not comto acquaint the House with it, mit this offence, and yet his right when he saw occasion. He being hon. friend (Mr. Peel) could get an ignorant person, looked into up and gravely say, that the counBurn's Justice, where he found try could not be in safety unless that the penalties attached to a these bulls were taken by the horns. premunire, were attainder, for- He could not believe that any perfeiture of his goods, incapacity to son was sincere, who, having slumbring actions, and that he might bered over this practice for ages, be slain by any one.

As this was
without proposing

a remedy, a matter touching life and fortune, thought of it only at the moment he could not be expected, after when the Catholic question came having acquired this knowledge, toon to be debated. Now they were go to the pope of Rome, and yet arraigned in the face of the nation.

pope of Rome they must go They were asked to give security, if they would have any security. and it was said to be his fault, that [The Master of the Rolls repeated these bulls ran wild and unchecked his remark, that the opinion was over the country. Was it possible private and confidential). to find words strong enough to

Mr. Canning resumed. This express the contempt with which circumstance had been unthought he treated such accusations? He of by him, from the period at wished to know whether the which it occurred to a very recent lords ascribed any importance to time, but he had seen elsewhere these securities? If there was an impeachment upon his honour and honesty. He had read in print by Dr. Philpotts, which was in great

* Mr, Canning alluded to a pamphlet an accusation that he had aban, circulation at the time,

to the

was

(61 any danger, why was the country king. But, although no positive "left without protection? If there promise had been given to the was none, why were these practices Catholics at the time of the Union, held out as working ill? What they undoubtedly lent their aid to other dangers might await the that measure on the understandquestion at the eleventh hour, he ing that greater facilities would had yet to learn. A singular fate thereby be afforded for their always attended this question. emancipation. Now when two They who :udvocated it, put to its thirds of the population of Ireland opponents these questions - Will were in its favour, the Union was you do what we propose? Will the bar to its being carried. He you do nothing? Will you do admitted that the understanding something ?-and-What will you alluded to was neither a compact do? Why do you dislike what we nor a treaty ; but it ought to have propose? The only answer to these some weight in the scale of the

-We wont do what you pro- judgment of the House. pose: the others were left un- He could not get rid of the -answered : and from 1813 to the impression that the distaste to present time he had not been able the question in this country was to learn what dangers they appre- stronger now than it had been hended. The Commander-in-chief before. This he avowed was his and the admiral of the fleet might opinion, but he was convinced be Catholics. No securities were that to the effect of repeated disasked to guard the truncheon by cussions these impressions must sea and by land, while the most gradually give way; for that which operose precautions were adopted right reason, justice, and humanity for opening a letter, the object of demanded aloud, could not long which was to enable a man to eat fail to find an echo in the bosoms meat on a fast-day. By the act of of Englishmen. The motion be1793, a Catholic might be called fore the House was simply, that to the bar-the House knew with the state of Ireland, and the Cawhat distinction, in some instances tholics of Ireland, was such as to 1-- but he could not wear a silk demand consideration : to this no gown. An officer might rise to be opposition but a negative one was an general, and no securities were offered, the effect of which was, demanded of him. He agreed that that the House did not consider nothing had been positively said the Catholics of Ireland as worthy by Mr. Pitt at the period of the objects of their concern. That Union : but of Mr. Pitt's firm was the issue on which they were intention to carry the Catholic now going to their verdict. The question he was willing to depose motion went no further than

parbefore any tribunal, with perfect liament had before gone, and the confidence that he was deposing House might reserve to itself the the truth. He had no knowledge, time and the manner in which it nor had heard

any
other
person on

would act. If, on the other hand, the point, who

had any knowledge, this motion should be negatived, say, that Mr. Pitt had any other- it would be an admission, that the wise altered his opinion, than that state of Ireland was unworthy of he was resolved not to stir the consideration ; and he would rather question during the life of the late imagine than express the conse

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