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"Quis talia fando

"Myrmidonum, Dolopúmve, aut duri miles Ulyssei "Temperet à lacrymis ?"

Who without indignation and horror at the perpetrators, and deep. sympathy for the sufferers, can reflect on such horrible, such atrocious scenes!

Such "information" of " intention" to turn traitor, might be easily had against every estated man in the world. A half Eagle for each would procure it dressed up in the most plausible form, and sworn to with the utmost possible solemnity. The recurrence to martial law is sufficient to satisfy every man of reflexion, that the accusation must have been totally groundless. Had there been any adequate proof of guilt, the depredators, who, under the cloak of law, murdered the unfortunate man, would have trusted the case to a trial by jury, which, however, under the auspices of the government, would have been but a slender protection.

It must be acknowledged that some of the Irish governors suffered condign punishment for their crimes, having paid the forfeit of their lives, by the hands of the executioner. Tiptoft* under Edward IV. Leonard Gray, and probably some others, underwent this fate. But the example was lost upon their successors.

The grand resource of the English government in Ireland has been to foment discord among the natives. This has been steadily pursued in every period of the Irish history, with a fatal success. This system is a proof of extreme profligacy and wickedness on the one hand, and of imbecility on the other. One-third of those who have fallen in warfare in Ireland from the invasion to the close of the seventeenth cen tury, that is to say, about one million of souls, were sent to the other world by this execrable Machiavelian policy. It produced, in addition to the loss of life, masses of misery beyond the powers of calcu lation.t

That this is not an exaggerated picture of the desolation caused by this policy, is strongly corroborated by a declaration extracted from a letter of Sir Henry Sydney to Queen Elizabeth, that Munster and Connaught were so far depopulated, by the sanguinary wars about the close of the sixteenth century, that there was not one-twentieth part of the people left alive.

"If that cowardlie policy be still allowed of, to kepe them in contynuall dissention for feare leste, thoroughe their quiet, might follow I wot not what, then myne advice unto your majestie bothe is, and

"Tiptoft, recalled to England and condemned of partiality and injustice, paid for his misconduct the forfeit of his life by a public

execution.147

+ The deputy replied, "That he thought it expedient to suffer one knave to destroy another to save expense to the king, and to purchase the peace of the land."148

"The lord justice did, (underhand,) encourage the Irish to do all prejudice they could to Fitz-Girald and his partizans."149

147 Crawford, I. 237.

148 Crawford, I. 169.

149 Cox, 78.

shalbe, to withdrawe me, and all charge here. In myne opinion, as little dishonorable were it, totallie to abandon it, as wonte obedience to some to govern it. And so farr hath that pollicie, (or rather lacke of pollicie,) in keping dissention emonges them* prevailed, as nowe, albeit, all that are alive, woulde becom honest, and live in quiet, yet are there not lefte alive in thoise two provincies, the XXth person necessarie to inhabite the same!!!??150

This policy was avowed by the ministers of Queen Elizabeth, who, according to Leland, "appear to have conceived an odious jealousy, which reconciled them to the distractions and miseries of Ireland. Should we exert ourselves, said they, in reducing this country to order and civility, it must soon acquire power, consequence, and riches. The inhabitants will be thus alienated from England: they will cast themselves into the arms of some foreign power, or perhaps erect themselves into an independent and separate state. Let us rather connive at their disorders!† for a weak and disordered people, never can attempt to detach themselves from the crown of England!!"151

Whenever the Irish subjects, harassed by the oppression and tyranny of their governors, appealed for redress to the throne, they were

*We find this policy pursued in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and it is not improbable that the connivance at the horrible excesses of the Orangemen of late years, particularly in the county of Armagh, was a branch of the system. Lord Orrery, in a letter to the duke of Ormonde writes

"Dec. 14, 1666. I humbly offer to your grace's consideration, whether this may not be a fit season to make that schism you are sowing amongst the popish clergy publicly to break out, so as to set them at such open difference, as we may reap some practical advantage thereby!!152

The union of parties created by the swindling patent for a copper coinage, bestowed on the schemer, Wood, in the year 1723, which gave occasion to the splendid display of Dean Swift's talents and patriotism, in the "Drapier's Letters," was regarded as a most serious evil, and called forth this lamentation from primate Boulter, the prime minister of Ireland :

"The people of every religion, country, and party here, are alike set against Wood's half-pence: and their agreement in this has had a very unhappy influence on the state of the nation, by bringing on intimacies between Papists and Jacobites, and the whigs, who before had no correspondence with them!!!153

+ Lord Bacon reprobated the vile policy pursued towards Ireland; and, (in a letter to one of the ministers of Queen Elizabeth,) pointed out the course which ought to have been pursued:

in

"I am perswaded, if a penny in the pound which hath been spent poena, a chastisement of rebels, without other fruit or emolument of this state, had been spent in praemio, that is, rewarding, things had never grown to this extremity."154

160 Sydney, I. 29.

153 Boulter, 7.

151 Leland, II. 355.
154 Cabala, 50.

152 Orrery, II. 101.

generally treated with contumely, their applications rejected-and not unfrequently their agents thrown into prison, and afterwards sent home, subject to the discretion and mercy of those against whose injustice they had entered their complaints, who, in order to punish them for their presumption in seeking redress, and to hold them out in terrorem to others, to induce a quiet submission to their injustice, fined and imprisoned them.

To illustrate this feature of the government of Ireland, I shall give a case which occurred under Henry Sydney, who ruled the country, as deputy at several periods, during the reign of Queen Elizabeth.

The uniform custom in providing for the support of the army, by what was termed cess, previous to this deputy's administration, was to fix the rate by act of parliament; and when any material alteration of the prices of the necessaries of life, rendered a change in the contribution necessary, it was always made by the same authority. Sydney wished an increase of the cess, but would not condescend to accomplish his purpose by the fair and regular means. He ordained the increase on his own mere motion, without any consultation with parliament. The lords of the Pale, aggrieved by the oppression of the new rates, and indignant at the violation of their privileges, remonstrated on the procedure with the deputy. It was in vain. He was inexorable. They then despatched agents to the court of London, to seek redress. But the paramount influence of the deputy defeated their application. Redress was not only arrogantly denied, but the agents were confined in the Fleet prison for months,* for no other crime but laying their own grievances and those of their constituents at the foot of the throne.

But this scandalous abuse of power did not satisfy their oppressors. The most elevated of their constituents, and others of the gentry of the Pale, who favoured the cause, were arrested,† imprisoned in the

"When hir hignesse had read and thoroughlie considered their opinions and resolutions, and finding her selfe undutifullie to be handled by her subiets, commanded by the advise of her councill the said agents which followed their sute to be committed to the Fleet."155

"And nowe [June 1577] having received at your honnors handes, (to your owne just prayses,) the dewe rewarde of their deserts, we thought it expedient, beinge led by so good and grave a president, accordinge to hir majesties direction, (whereunto your honourable letters referred vs,) to sende not oneley for those lords and gentlemen that subscribed the letters sent unto hir majestie and you, but also in discreacion for some others, whose disguised and cunninge manner of dealinge, we had heard of before by report, beinge men speciallye noted unto us, to be chiefe counsellors, ringleaders, and procurers of the late'embassage sent to your lordships. And when all theise, (thus beinge sent for by oure letters,) came before us, havinge first occasion to deal withe theim, touchinge their claime of fredome from cesse; found generallye in theim all, by the manner of theyer answers to oure demandes, an arrogant and wilfull kinde of repininge at hir

155 Hooker, in Hollinshed, VI. 392.

castle of Dublin, heavily fined, and after a tedious confinement,* forced to apologize and beg pardon for what was styled their offence! This is a plain, simple case, not liable to mistake or misapprehension. A governor by his "sic volo, sic jubeo," imposes taxes against custom and usage for time immemorial. The nobility and gentry peaceably remonstrate, and appeal to the fountain head for redress-a right inherent and indefeasible. Redress is not only refused, but the endeavour to procure it is punished as if it were highly criminal Another case under this deputy, which evinces the despotic power of the deputies and the abject state even of the gentry, requires to be stated. He gave orders to Baron Dunboyn and Piers Butler, his brother, to surrender some of their dependants, which they did not, perhaps could not do. For this offence he imposed "heavy fines" upon

majesties prerogatyve for cesse, affirminge boldly, in playne speache, without any stickinge, that no cesse could be imposed but by parliament, or graund councell, and whatsoever was otherwise set downe by us, was against law."156

*June, 1577. In the entervall betwixt the committment of theise wilfull gallaunts, and the writinge of theise our lettres to your lordships, by the proceadinge and dealinge, that somme of us had with theim, we had good cawse to note, that they were bent in the ende to a certaine kynde of more arrogant wilfulness, and stubborne stoutnes, than they were before, refuzinge to yeelde to any acknowledgment of their offence, or to do as they ought, (and we looked for,) by way of submission, confesse their error, in impugninge her majesties prerogative."157

Walsingham writes to Sydney, August 9, 1577, that "Scurlocke, Nettervill, and Burnel, since their submission made here, by reason of the sickenes of the plague, which is in the Fleete, where they were prisoners, are enlarged vppon good bands to remayne ether in the citye, or within ten miles therof, untill further order be taken with them; and that it is meante, they shall not come into Irelande to make their submission in like manner there, untill my lords here may first heare somewhat more herof from your lordship."

99158

"I sent for Barnabie Scurlocke, and laied before hym your majesties grave sensure vpon hym and his companions, and declared that your majestie had nowe, upon the disclosinge of the matter before you by your highnes chauncellor and their vntrothes, disguysings, and slaunderous reportes, by good matter and dewe proffe by hym overthrowen, converted your princely compassion into a trewe judgement, and therefore had sett downe order for his punishment."15 February 13th, 1578.

“He was answered at full to all that he could say, and sharply reprehended for his fault, follye and presumpsion, and so in fyne committed to the castell of Dublin."160

Feb. 13, 1588. "When I sawe they were so untractable, that neither faire meanes nor perswasions, nor sharpe speache, nor threats, could wynne theim to do that becamme theim: And that Missett, Flem157 Idem, 197.

156 Sydney, I. 196.
158 Idem, 202, 3.

159 Idem, 235.

160 Ibid.

them, and committed them and their wives to prison, without trial, on his own mere motion.*

I close this account of the administration of the government of Ireland with extracts from an affecting address, drawn up by an eye witness, Captain Thomas Lee, and presented to Queen Elizabeth, anno 1594. The original MS. is lodged in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.t

"To the Queen's most excellent Majesty:

"Understanding, most gracious sovereign, the proud and insolent terms the lords of the north of Ireland do now stand upon, it maketh me bold to set down my knowledge of those parts to your majesty, because I have debated often with the chiefs of them, what was fit they should yield unto your majesty; and that it was unmeet for them in any sort to condition with your highness; in the end, (after long debating,) they seemed somewhat to like and allow of that which I demanded, as hereafter shall appear. And because your majesty may the better judge the causes of their discontentments, I have here set down the unconscionable courses, which have been held towards them, which being remedied, and that they may see your majesty doth no way allow of the same, there is no doubt, (notwithstanding all their proud shows of disloyalty,) but that they may be brought to dutiful obedience, and to yield you that profit, which neither your majesty now hath, nor any of your progenitors ever had; so as they may likewise have that, which they demand, being nothing unfit for

minge, and Barnaby Scurlock, one of their principall agents, had subscribed the submission, (the doubble whereof I hearewith send to your majestie,) I by the advise of your majesties counsell here, thought good to commit theim till your majestyies pleasure were further knowen; and within a day, or day after, called theim before us agayne, and for examples sake, and the greater terror to others hereafter, imposed fynes upon eche of theim."161

April, 1578. "The onelye pointe of those twoe letters, conteine an advise and direccion from your Lordships, howe to procede, as well with the agentes of the pale now sent thence, (who arryved not here before the xxviith of this present,) as with those noblemen and gentlemen that remayne prisoners here for that cause."10

"I soughte to have com by the actuall malefactors, supported and mayneteyned by the forenamed gentlemen; but I coulde in effecte com by none, so obstinate and disobediente I founde the heddes of them. Whereupon 1 assessed heavy fynes uppon the baron of Dunboyn, and Piers Butler, his brother, for the contempte. And committed them both to warde, and their wifes, with a bastarde sonne of Dunboynes. All which I presentlie doe detayne in the castell of Dublyn, and will doe untill they shall procure the bringinge of suche their lewde followers, destroyers of that countrie, unlesse your majestie commande me to the contrarie; which if you doe at anny mannes sewte, actum est de hac republica."183

For the whole address, see Plowden, I. App. p. 26.

161 Sidney, 1. 237.

162 Sydney, I. 253.

163 Sydney, I. 21.

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