of their sufferings, "liar" was the best word applied to him by the organs of tyranny. Did you ever set your eyes on a pennyworth of mutton? Come here, and you shall see how rations are served out under the landlord's state of siege. It might bait a rat-trap; though a well-fed rat would hardly risk his personalities for such a pittance. Pennyworths of mutton, and halfpennyworths of bread cut off the loaf, are what the shopkeepers of Bolton deal out to the inhabitants of their Jerusalem. I saw a woman come for one halfpenny-worth of bread, which was to be the dinner of herself and her children twain; and when I reflected that of this transparent slice the other one was gone to buy the landlord's sack, astonishment possessed me at the endurance of that long-bearing ass the public, and the extent to which ignorance and divisions will prop the rich man's robbery. I saw another mother of a family, who said she had not tasted meat for many months; and on one of the children being sent off to the butcher's for some of the strange luxury, she was discovered making many efforts to intercept the messenger. Her anxiety was to instruct the boy to bring back nothing but one pennyworth of bacon; there was a tomorrow, and to-morrow, and to-morrow, for which she had conceived the idea of spinning out existence by means of the remainder of the funds. If you are curious in human misery, if you are anxious to know what a shabby tyranny can bring the rank and file to suffer, come, at your leisure, to the "leaguer" of Bolton, and see what the people sleep upon, if they do sleep. Chopped dirt, the sweepings of a henhouse, mingled with a portion of sparrows' nests, to show that men had heard of straw, would be the best representatives of what they huddle upon in corners, and call it resting. And all this because Sir Having Greedy votes in the House of Commons for closing honest trade, as the means of doubling his rents. The minister, meanwhile, and his associates, are racking their tender hearts to find a remedy. As in O'Connell's celebrated story of the horse, "Will they try corn?" They will try anything except allow the sufferers to keep themselves, for that would interfere with the plans of those who, being rich already, use their riches as a means of doubling them by confiscation of the poor man's bread. There is danger in their schemes. Already people of all kinds are parodying the sentiment of the Italians-"Ad ogni uomo puzza questo barbaro dominio," which may be translated for English use, "Neither man nor woman will endure this dynasty of clodhoppers." It wants nothing but the privates of the regiment to know what hurts them, and to get rid (as they are doing fast) of the various false lights thrown out to induce them to run in every direction that will preserve the evil; and a quicker end than pleasant may be put to mischiefs, which nobody would remove by an earlier application of the prudentiai virtues. (Recollections of Richard Cobden and the Anti-Corn Law League, H. Ashworth, Lond. p. 36.) 224. Repeal of the Corn Law Levi The Anti-Corn-Law movement finally met with the success it merited, though not without encountering fierce opposition. The landed interest was inimical, almost as a unit. Legislation in the interest of the masses found little favour among the upper classes of England at that period, and the voice of the multitude, reduced to the borders of starvation, was long raised in vain. Sir Robert Peel's defection from the opponents of the Bill largely aided its ultimate passage, but to Cobham and Bright belong the greatest meed of praise for the final triumph of the cause of the people. The Anti-Corn-Law agitation was one of those movements which, being founded on right principles, and in harmony with the interests of the masses, was sure to gather fresh strength by any event affecting the supply of food. It was popular to attempt to reverse a policy which aimed almost exclusively to benefit one class of society.... The economic theorists had the mass of the people with them. Their gatherings were becoming more and more enthusiastic. And even amidst Conservative landowners there were not a few enlightened and liberal minds who had already, silently at least, espoused the new ideas. No change certainly could be expected so long as bread was cheap and labour abund ant. But when a deficient harvest and a blight in the potato crop crippled the resources of the people and raised grain to famine prices, the voice of the League acquired greater power and influence. Hitherto they had received hundreds of pounds. Now, thousands were sent in to support the agitation. A quarter of a million was readily contributed. Nor were the contributors Lancashire mill-owners exclusively. Among them were merchants and bankers, men of heart and men of mind, the poor labourer and the peer of the realm. The fervid oratory of Bright, the demonstrative and argumentative reasoning of Cobden, the more popular appeals of Fox, Rawlins, and other platform speakers, filled the newspaper press, and were eagerly read. And when parliament dissolved in August 1845, even Sir Robert Peel showed some slight symptoms of a conviction that the days of the corn laws were numbered. Every day, in truth, brought home to his mind a stronger need for action, and as the ravages of the potato disease progressed, he saw that all further resistance would be absolutely dangerous. A cabinet council was held on October 31 to consult as to what was to be done, and at an adjourned meeting on November 5 Sir Robert Peel intimated his intention to issue an order in council remitting the duty on grain in bond to one shilling, and opening the ports for the admission of all species of grain at a smaller rate of duty until a day to be named in the order; to call parliament together on the 27th inst., to ask for an indemnity, and a sanction of the order by law; and to submit to parliament immediately after the recess a modification of the existing law, including the admission at a nominal duty of Indian corn and of British colonial corn. A serious difference of opinion, however, was found to exist in the cabinet on the question brought before them, the only ministers supporting such measures being the Earl of Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Sidney Herbert. Nor was it easy to induce the other members to listen to reason. And though at a subsequent meeting, held on November 28, Sir Robert Peel so far secured a majority, it was evident that the cabinet was too divided to justify him in bringing forward his measures, and he decided upon resigning office. This resolution having been communicated to the Queen, her Majesty summoned Lord John Russell to form a cabinet, and, to smooth his path, Sir Robert Peel, with characteristic frankness, sent a memorandum to her Majesty embodying a promise to give him his support. But Lord John Russell failed in his efforts, and the Queen had no alternative but to recall Sir Robert Peel, and give him full power to carry out his measures. It was under such circumstances that Parliament was called for January 22, 1846, and on January 27 the government plan was propounded before a crowded house. It was not a immediate repeal of the corn laws that Sir Robert Peel recommended. He proposed a temporary protection for three years, til February 1, 1849, imposing a scale during that time ranging from 4s. when the price of wheat should be 50s. per quarter and upward, and 10s. when the price of wheat should be under 48s. per quarter, and that after that period all grain should be admitted at the uniform duty of Is. per quarter. The measure, as might have been expected, was received in a very different manner by the political parties in both Houses of Parliament. There was treason in the conservative camp, and keen and bitter was the opposition they offered to their chief. For twelve nights speaker after speaker indulged in personal recriminations. They recalled to Sir Robert Peel's memory the speeches he had made in defence of the corn laws. And as to his assertion that he had changed his mind, they denied his right to do so. ... The passing of the measure was, however, more than certain, and after a debate of twelve nights' duration on Mr. Miles, amendment, the Government obtained a majority of 97, 337 having voted for the motion and 240 against it. And from that evening the corn law may be said to have expired. (History of British Commerce, Lond. 1872, p. 292.) CHAPTER XXXIII AUSTRALIA 225. The Establishment of the Colony Barton The following Act established the colony of New South Wales by extending thereto the criminal jurisdiction of the king Transportation for certain offences had already been determined upon, and Australia presented many advantages as a penal settle ment. ACT TO ENABLE HIS MAJESTY TO ESTABLISH A CRIMINAL JUDICATURE ON THE EASTERN COAST OF NEW SOUTH WALES AND THE PARTS ADJACENT Whereas by an Act made and passed in the twenty-fourth year of his present Majesty's reign, intituled - An Act for the effectual transportation of felons and other offenders, and to authorize the removal of prisoners in certain cases, and for other purposes therein mentioned, it is enacted that, from and after the passing of that Act, when any person or persons at any Sessions of Oyer or Terminer or Gaol Delivery, or at any Quarter or other General Session of the Peace to be holden for any county, riding, division, city, town, borough, liberty, or place, within that part of Great Britain called England, or at any Great Session to be holden for the County Palatine of Chester, or within the Principality of Wales, shall be lawfully convicted of grand or petit larceny, or any other offence for which such person or persons shall be liable by the laws of this realm to be transported, it shall and may be lawful for the Court before which any such person or persons shall be convicted as aforesaid, or any subsequent Court holden at any place for the same county, riding, division, city, town, borough, liberty, or place respectively, with like authority, to order and adjudge that such person or persons so convicted as aforesaid shall be trans |