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I must lay by the thought of employing you hereafter in my affairs; yet I cannot satisfy myself in honour or conscience without assuring you (now in the midst of your troubles), that upon the word of a king you shall not suffer in life, honour or fortune. This is but justice, and therefore a very mean reward from a master to so faithful and able a servant as you have showed yourself to be; yet it is as much as I conceive the present times will permit, though none shall hinder me from being

Your constant, faithful friend,

Whitehall, April 23, 1641.

Charles R.

(Ed. from Earl of Strafford's Letters and Dispatches, Lond., 1739, II, p. 416.)

158a. Charles I. to the House of Lords, in Behalf of the Earl of Strafford

My lords,

I did yesterday satisfy the justice of the kingdom, by 'passing of the bill of attainder against the earl of Strafford; but mercy being as inherent and inseparable to a king as justice, I desire at this time in some measure, to show that likewise, by suffering that unfortunate man to fulfil the natural course of his life in a close imprisonment, yet so that, if ever he make the least offer to escape, or offer, directly or indirectly, to meddle with any sort of public business, especially with me, either by message or letter, it shall cost him his life, without further process.

This, if it may be done without the discontent of my people, will be an unspeakable contentment to me; to which end, as in the first place, I by this letter do earnestly desire your approbation; and to endear it more, have chosen him to carry it, that of all your house is most dear to me; so I desire, that by a conference you will endeavour to give the House of Commons contentment likewise; assuring you, that the exercise of mercy is no more pleasing to me than to see both Houses of Parliament content, for my sake, that I should moderate the severity of the law in so important a case. will not say, that your complying with me in this my intended mercy, shall make me more willing, but certainly it will make me more cheerful in granting your just grievances; but, if no less than his life can satisfy my people, I must say, Fiat justitia.

I

Thus again earnestly recommending the consideration of my intentions to you, I rest

Your unalterable and affectionate friend,

Whitehall, 10th May, 1641.

Charles R.

P. S.-If he must die, it were charity to reprieve him till Saturday. (Journals of the House of Lords, May 11, 1641 ) In Kennett, III, 117.

158b. Parliament considers the King's Letter

(The following record of the proceedings upon receipt of the above letter, taken from the Parliament Journals, throws further light upon the attitude of Charles.)

This letter, all written with the king's own hand, the peers, this day received in Parliament, delivered by the hand of the prince. It was twice read in the House, and, after serious and sad consideration, the House resolved presently to send twelve of the peers, messengers to the king: "Humbly to signify, that neither of the intentions expressed in the letter could, with duty to them, or without evident danger to himself, his dearest consort the queen, and all the young princes their children, possibly be advised."

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Which being delivered, and more expressions offered, his majesty suffered no more words to come from them, but, out of the fulness of his heart, to the observance of justice, and for contentment of his people, told them, that what he intended by his letter was with an If," "If it may be done without discontentment to his people. If that cannot be, I say again the same that I wrote, Fiat Justitia; my other intention, proceeding out of charity, for a few days' respite, was upon certain information that his estate was so distracted, that it necessarily required some few days for settlement thereof."

Whereunto the lords answered, "Their purpose was to be suitors to his majesty, for favour to be shown to his innocent children; and, if he himself had made any provision for them, that the same might hold."

This was well-liking to his majesty, who thereupon parted from the lords. At his majesty's parting, the peers offered up into his hands the letter itself, which he had sent; but he pleased to say: "My lords, what I have written to you I shall be content it be registered by you in your House; in it you see my mind. I know you will use it to my honour."

(Journals of the House of Lords, May 11, 1641.)

159. A Summary of Grievances
(1642)

Contemporary Tract

In the reign of Charles I. the discontent which had been growing since the time of Henry VIII. reached its culmination. The popular grievances found voice in many pamphlets and tracts; and from this political literature we have chosen, as particularly suggestive, the following illustration:

CERTAIN QUERIES OF THINGS DONE SINCE KING CHARLES HIS REIGN BEGAN

1. When our good King James his death was by one of his physicians tendered to the King and Parliament, to be examined, why the Parliament was so soon dissolved?

2. When in the first and succeeding Parliaments, they began to fall upon Reformation in Kirk and State, why still were the Parliaments dissolved?

3. Why, presently after the Petition of Right in England. was signed, it was violated and nulled by imprisonment of sundry members of Parliament, which cost some of them their lives?

4. Why at length came Parliaments to be so out of date and request, as that a proclamation was published inhibiting the least mention of ever having any more Parliaments in England?

5. Why against the Petition of Right was tonnage and poundage extorted?

6. Why against the Petition of Right was ship-money levied?

7. Why against the Petition of Right was coat-and-conduct money imposed?

8. Why against the Petition of Right was such an infinite number of monopolies to the drainage and exhausting of the subjects, granted?

9. Why was it attempted to make all England a forest, and so to make the people so many deer for Nimrods to hunt?

10. Who is the author of all the evils and grievances in the kingdom, and so the great troubler of Israel, seeing so many malefactors, and delinquents, and instruments of cruelty, are authorized and protected as innocents?

II. Who aided the French King with eight ships, by means whereof the Protestants in Rochelle were most miserably destroyed, and all the rest in France left to the mercy of

Papists, the more easily to exercise their massacres upon them?

12. How, or by whom was it, that we poor harmless, yet much oppressed Scots, were proclaimed rebels, when we only fought for right and justice?

13. By whose authority, and for what end was it, that that more than heathenish book for sports, to profane the Lord's day, was published in every kirk in England?

14. By whose countenance was it, that so many novations have taken place, so much idolatry and superstition hath overspread England, so many notorious papist books in English of late days printed with their high dedications, so much restaint of preaching, so grievous persecuting of preachers even unto blood and banishment, with all ways and crafts to root out the Gospel, and to let up popery everywhere, and so to put the prince of the apostles (Peter, or the pope) in possession of that noble and long flourishing island?

15. Who hath murdered so many innocents in Ireland by the long retarding of sending succors in due time, by means whereof so many thousands, and they Protestants, might have been preserved from such horrid and bloody butcheries? Or how came it to pass (then when the plot among us in Scotland for murdering some of our prime nobles in the King's chamber, should have taken place) that the rebellion in Ireland began to break forth just about the same time? Such a sympathy and harmony (it seems) there was between the two.

16. What was the end of plotting, the coming up of the York army towards the City and Parliament?

17. What was the end of the King's going to the Parliament with his armed troops of furious Cavaliers, and their manner of carriage there?

18. What was the end of turning out our faithful brother Sir William Belphore from being Lieutenant of the Tower, and placing in his room that desperate Cavalier Lunsford?

19. By what authority was it, that the captains that were by the Parliament sent into Ireland to suppress the rebels there, came into England again to help the Malignant party against the Parliament?

20. Whether the present taking of Portsmouth by the King, through the infamous perfidiousness of Goring, may not stand the Malignants in as good stead against the Parliament and people as Hull, considering that Portsmouth is nearer both to France and Spain?

21. Whether the King's Commission of Array, though it may seem to have in general some countenance from the law, yet can possibly be imagined to have any law at this time, when the King stands out against his Parliaments, to overthrow their militia, which is to no other end but to preserve both King and kingdom from imminent ruin; considering that no laws of the kingdom are destructive thereof, but preservative only?

22. Whether the gentry of England, who now appear for the King against the Parliament, and so against the whole kingdom, be true bred Englishmen, and gentlemen, or no: or if true bred, whether they be not so far degenerate as to become enemies of God and their country, and with Esau to sell their birthright of laws and liberties for a mess of broth, and so to purchase to their house a perpetual slavery, by shedding the blood of their brethren, which they prize at so vile and ignoble a rate?

23. Whether the displacing of the good old justices ail over England, and setting up of new, being of the Malignant party and enemies of the kingdom, do not hasten the ruin thereof, while they labor to root out the Gospel, and all goodness, to destroy the Parliament and all good laws, and to countenance and maintain the most profane in the land, who are ready everywhere to make war against the Gospel, and all the faithful preachers thereof?

24. Whether the wounding of religion by reproachful names, as calling all the true professors thereof Roundheads and the like, be not a sleight of Jesuits to set the Protestants together by the ears, and their swords in one another's sides, that so they may all perish together?

25. Whether it be not the wisdom of all true-hearted English, and such as account it their honor to be called and be true Protestants, and namely such as are enemies to papistry, however they may differ in opinion in matter of religion, according to the different degrees of light in their souls, yet not to differ in their affections one to another, but to be fast united in the bond of charity, and combined in a firm resolution for the root ng out of all papery, according to the late protestation, which no true Protestant, and such as it not papishly affected, nor a lover of Antichrist, and so a hater of his own soul and salvation, will ever refuse to take, profess, and maintain.

26. Why, notwithstanding so many protestations, and declarations to the contrary, are papish priests and Jesuits,

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