、

Mr. Bushe faid, when the Catholic petition was prefented, there was not a man who even profeffed an expectation that the measures would then be carried; they profeffed a wifh for no more than that the ears of Proteftants fhould be familiarized to their claims, and a hope that reason and justice would have their effect, after that deliberation which fo great a fubject required. The petition was not rejected on the principle that their claims were inadmiffible; the very contrary of that principle was ftated, and among others it was ftated by himself. What was more right, or more natural, or more fuited to the dignity of parliament, than that on fo great a question they fhould confer with their conftituents, and take time for deliberation? The refult of that deliberation, I truft, will be a great and fubftantial measure, granting them at once every thing, except what would appear injurious to thofe of both perfuafi

ons.

A twelve-month, the ufual time for a Roman Catholic candidate to declare his pretenfions to an office, was not a very long time for them to wait before their pretenfions, great and general as they were, fhould be decided upon, nor for us to deliberate, before we revifed the policy of our ancestors.

Mr. R. Sheridan, rofe last in the debate, he faid, an addrefs, expreffive of loyalty to the fovereign, and unfhaken attachment to the conftitution, fhould ever have, let who would be in or out of power, his cordial fupport; he did not, however, confider that in voting for the address, any member was bound to any particular measure, recommended from the throne; and he confidered himfelf free, as to that momentous queftion relating to the Roman Catholics. Having mentioned that fubject

fubject, he faid, his feelings would not allow him. to hear the obloquy caft upon administration for their conduct on that queftion, in the laft feffion, without taking his fhare of the cenfure; he had voted with them; he knew nothing of minifters. but in that House; and on that question it was fair to fay, they divided with the largest majority perhaps ever known, compofed of men the firft in character, property, and talents in that Houfe.

FRIDAY JANUARY II,

MR. GRATTAN moved the following amend

ment be made in the addrefs, after the word con ftitution, in the ninth paragraph:

"We admire the wisdom which, at fo critical a season, has prompted your majesty to come for ward to take a leading part in healing the politi cal diffentions of your people on account of religion. We fhall take into our immediate confide ration the fubject graciously recommended from the throne; and at a time when doctrines pernicious to freedom, and dangerous to monarchical government, are propagated in foreign countries, we fhall not fail to imprefs your majefty's Catholic fubjects with a fenfe of the fingular and eternal obligation they owe to the throne, and to your majefty's royal perfon and family."

Mr. Conolly, faid, it was recommended from the throne, that the houfe fhould treat their Catholic brethren with liberality. I have ever given my confent to every meafure propofed for their relief; I will now ufe the liberality which the fpeech from the throne recommended: but I will agree in participating with the Catholics the whole conftitution, only, provided they would join hand in hand with their Proteftant brethren, and lay the axe to the root of corruption. But if the fyftem of corruption fhall be continued, as at prefent, and if the Catholics were admitted into the conftitution, it would be only making bad worse it would be only throwing new difficulties and new expence in the way of members of parliament, which they certainly would not be at the lofs of.

Hon. D. Browne-I will vote for that part of the addrefs, that thanks his majefty for continuing Lord Weftmorland in the government of this country, because I have fupported his adminiftration. I have done fo without office, without hope of office, or ever intend to take office :-I have done fo on the principle that has directed the votes of other gentlemen in my fituation. I think that in the clafn of parties the people have generally little concern. I conceive that when trade, revenue, public and private credit have increased under the aufpices of government; that no new taxes during the adminiftration have been heard of; that no ftretch of power has been made, injurious to the liberty or property of the fubject, that it was a juftification, and that I owe it as a duty to my conftituents, to fupport a government under which the country is in a ftate of unexampled profperity

The

The real grievance of Ireland is the popery laws, by which the majority of its people are precluded from the enjoyment of thofe benefits; and I am happy to expect that the liberality of parliament will fpeedily do that injurious diftinction away; and then that the fituation of Ireland will be enviable indeed, enjoying the bleffings of the British conftitution without its debt or its taxes; all we fhall want will be a fenfe of the happiness we fhall enjoy, if we please it. I never took an office from the principle of always having it in my power to take that part in parliament, without restraint, that to my judgment, fuch as it was, feemed beft; that in the Catholic queftion I have voted differently from government, and I would do fo had the governor been my brother, and that his exiftence depended on my vote; but that I think it a juftice to government to ftate, that the Catholic caufe was oppofed in the last feffion by the prejudice and interefts of their own countrymen, and not by government. If the minifter of Ireland informed the British minifter tha the could not carry the wishes of the Catholics through the Irish parliament, he informed him rightly; if he ftated, that the Proteftants oppofed almost universally the Catholics getting the elective franchise: Never, fince the revolution, was there more prejudice against the Catholics, than in the last feffion of parliament, and I think it was a ftrong measure of government to carry through for them what they got. From whence arose the change in difpofition, that displays itself now, fimply from the change of the times from the laft year to this? From a rational Proteftant feeing the impoffibility of maintaining a monopoly oppofite to reafon, to the bulk of the people, and the inclination of the fovereign.

The

The Hon. Col. Hutchinfon.-Sir, the king has been pleased in his fpeech from the throne, to recommend to your moft ferious confideration, the Roman Catholics of this kingdom. By this act his majefty has demonftrated both his beneficence and his wisdom; his beneficence, because he knows they have been oppreffed; his wifdom, because he is convinced that he does not poffefs a more attached, a more loyal, or a more affectionate body of fubjects than they are.

I had the honour of telling you laft feffion of parliament, that your prejudices on this fubject would not long continue. Events have proved that I was right; and at the fame time, when I fay this, God forbid that any man should fuppofe I poffefs that infolent defpotifm of mind, which would induce me to place my opinions as the ftandard of right or wrong, of truth or falfehood; or that want of candour which would deny that an honeft man, with the pureft and beft of intentions, might not have taken a contrary part on fo great and fo important a fubject. I am happy when I confider the line of conduct I then followed, but I cannot triumph in it. At a moment like the prefent, I should be forry, indeed, were I capable of exulting in the humiliation of parlia

ment.

I am willing, Sir, to refpect majorities, even when I differ from them, as much as any man; however I can never allow, that almost all the integrity and ability of this Houfe were to be found among the 210, who voted for the reception of the Catholic petition. On the contrary, think that on that night I had the honour to act

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