occupy with dignity that place in the comity of nations to which she aspires, mainly depends for its realisation upon a successful and scrupulously honourable management of her finances. The expedients to which she appears inclined to resort at this moment are hardly calculated to impress European critics with their economical soundness, and it is not to be denied that, in times of transition, such as that which Japan is still passing through, the native creditor is always in danger of injustice. He is isolated, practically unrepresented, and individually weak; and unless there is equal power and determination at head-quarters to do him full and complete justice, he inevitably suffers. The temptations to which absolute governments are exposed at such times are at least as much as human nature, and especially human nature acting in the corporate form of an oligarchy, can bear; and if there be one ground stronger than another on which the Japanese people may legitimately urge their claim for something approaching to free representative institutions, it is the sure one that these institutions can alone be relied on to protect the public creditor from the maladministration, the rapacity, corruption, and injustice inseparable from absolutism.

Among the purely legitimate expedients open to the Japanese for the increase of their revenue, is that of raising the tariff upon which their foreign trade with the Western nations is based. But the treaties on which these commercial relations depend have the tariff tacked to them, and this can, therefore, only be revised at periods specified in those instruments for the revision of the treaties themselves. There can be no question that it was in the true interests of both the contracting parties that this provision was originally made. The tariff was moderate and reasonable; moderate, inasmuch as it tended to promote and foster commercial relations; reasonable, in that it made fair provision for a good surplus of revenue over the expenses of collection, and those incidental to the settlement of Europeans in the treaty ports. One thing alone can be more certain than that it was well, both for Europeans and Japanese, that this tariff should be irreversible except under the conditions already specified, and that is, that it would have been liable, and doomed to perpetual, capricious, and most vexatious alterations had its stability not been so secured. Under this wise and beneficent provision a large trade has sprung up and struck deep and wide roots, and, as a question admitting of no intelligent dispute, it has been to the common advantage of all the parties to it. But, pressed as the Japanese have been since the opening of the country to foreign trade by a revolution which has convulsed not only its centre but its most distant extremities, with Cabinet succeeding Cabinet, and Finance Minister succeeding Finance Minister, this beneficial trade never could have flourished but under the kindly and reposeful shelter of a tariff securely guarded from capricious and empirical variation.

The year 1872 was fixed as the period for the revision of these

the greatest danger, have been granted to a people just emerging from the institutions of feudalism, and wholly unaccustomed to the exercise and enjoyment of individual and political liberty.

The dispute between China and Japan respecting the right of sovereignty over the Loo-Choo Islands is yet unsettled, but little doubt seems to exist that the stronger claim lies with Japan. The slender present yearly carried to China by the Loo-Chooans appears to have been rather an offering suggested by gratitude and good-feeling for the privilege accorded to them of carrying on an advantageous trade with that country, than, as the Chinese plead, a tribute in acknowledgment of the rights of the Emperor as suzerain of a dependency. It is true that on the death of their king, the name of his successor was always submitted to the Court of Peking; but the Japanese deny, and apparently with good reason, that any power of veto resided in the Emperor of China. They also contend that, for some centuries, the princes of Satsuma have been the undisputed lords paramount of Loo-Choo; and that, therefore, when the rights formerly possessed by the Daimios merged, as they did at the Restoration, into the Mikadoate, as the political centre of gravity, and the depository of all hitherto uncombined powers in the empire, the sovereignty over Loo-Choo fell into the central body. On the conversion of the Han into Ken, or, in other words, the deposition of the Daimios, the socalled King of Loo-Choo was made Governor of the principality, from which he was subsequently recalled, and he now resides in Tokio, a pensioner of the Imperial Government. The LooChooans themselves, a simple and submissive people, are naturally somewhat anxious about their fate, and dread lest their islands should become alike the field and the object of the contention. They regard China and Japan respectively as their father and mother, and are greatly perplexed which to renounce at the bidding of the other. Their petition, presented to the Japanese Government in the year 1876, is so simple and touching that we shall easily be pardoned for giving two or three short extracts from it :

"It is the natural instinct of man, when in great distress, to pray for relief, either to Heaven or his parents. We are in this state of distress; and as our power is ineffectual to relieve us, we make the following prayer from our hearts, in hopes that you may take pity upon us and hear it. From the king down to the commoners all are taught the precepts of truth and propriety, which stand us in the stead of army and navy, wealth and luxuries, and to them we owe it that our country has been preserved to us. It is not our wish that we should serve two masters, but a sense of necessity compels us to do so. Our people are accustomed to say that as Great Japan is our father, and Great China our mother, we should reverently obey them both. Surely there is no place where a child is required to obey its father and forsake its mother. Should a child obey such a command, it could not be

"Let us now give an example of what may befall a native of Japan under the existing laws. Suppose that a gentleman by his conduct in some way arouses the suspicions of the police. They can enter, or, if necessary, break into, his house at dead of night, without giving the slightest notice or having any warrant. Although they may be disguised, and have nothing to evidence the fact of their being constables, they can arrest him, rummage through his private papers and effects as they please, and then thrust him into prison, where he may be kept for weeks or months undergoing preliminary examinations. The unfortunate accused may be charged with all kinds of offences, refused bail, denied all intercourse with his friends-in fact, deprived of every trace of freedom; and, after all this, if the preliminary investigations prove his innocence, he has no redress for the injuries sustained, and is obliged to be thankful for his escape, and accept some small monetary compensation for his inevitable losses. On the other hand, if the preliminary examinations result in the charge being sent to a higher tribunal for investigation, the accused must there answer all interrogatories put to him. Although the court may be sitting with closed doors, and the public excluded, no exception can be taken to it. The accused will not be allowed the assistance of counsel in his defence, and, altogether, unless he happens to be remarkably clever and well versed in law, it is almost hopeless to expect he will be able to extricate himself from the meshes of the net which surrounds him, although he may be perfectly innocent of the crime laid to his charge. Trial by jury is unknown, and consequently the question of guilt or innocence is in the uncontrolled discretion of the judge who presides, and, in many cases, conducts the trial. No doubt there is a right of appeal, but that is to a single individual, and if he happens to adopt the same view as the judge of the inferior court, the accused is without further redress. It is also a fact, that if a person is acquitted on a charge, he may be tried for the same offence again and again."

It would be impossible to adduce more conclusive evidence to prove the danger of any concessions in the direction so ardently desired by the Japanese. Doubtless they would take every precaution against the fate here depicted overtaking a foreigner; but where such possibilities exist, the Western Powers will hardly place their subjects or citizens within their reach.

The somewhat stringent laws made about six years ago for the regulation of the Press have undoubtedly conduced to the elevation of its character, and to a sobriety and good sense in its attitude towards the Government, which can hardly be commended too highly. No impartial observer will deny that, on the whole, these laws have worked well, though they have undoubtedly been at times the instruments of considerable hardship. Still less will it now be contended that the full measure of freedom enjoyed by the Press in countries constitutionally governed, could, without

the greatest danger, have been granted to a people just emerging from the institutions of feudalism, and wholly unaccustomed to the exercise and enjoyment of individual and political liberty.

The dispute between China and Japan respecting the right of sovereignty over the Loo-Choo Islands is yet unsettled, but little doubt seems to exist that the stronger claim lies with Japan. The slender present yearly carried to China by the Loo-Chooans appears to have been rather an offering suggested by gratitude and good-feeling for the privilege accorded to them of carrying on an advantageous trade with that country, than, as the Chinese plead, a tribute in acknowledgment of the rights of the Emperor as suzerain of a dependency. It is true that on the death of their king, the name of his successor was always submitted to the Court of Peking; but the Japanese deny, and apparently with good reason, that any power of veto resided in the Emperor of China. They also contend that, for some centuries, the princes of Satsuma have been the undisputed lords paramount of Loo-Choo; and that, therefore, when the rights formerly possessed by the Daimios merged, as they did at the Restoration, into the Mikadoate, as the political centre of gravity, and the depository of all hitherto uncombined powers in the empire, the sovereignty over Loo-Choo fell into the central body. On the conversion of the Han into Ken, or, in other words, the deposition of the Daimios, the socalled King of Loo-Choo was made Governor of the principality, from which he was subsequently recalled, and he now resides in Tokio, a pensioner of the Imperial Government. The LooChooans themselves, a simple and submissive people, are naturally somewhat anxious about their fate, and dread lest their islands should become alike the field and the object of the contention. They regard China and Japan respectively as their father and mother, and are greatly perplexed which to renounce at the bidding of the other. Their petition, presented to the Japanese Government in the year 1876, is so simple and touching that we shall easily be pardoned for giving two or three short extracts from it :

"It is the natural instinct of man, when in great distress, to pray for relief, either to Heaven or his parents. We are in this state of distress; and as our power is ineffectual to relieve us, we make the following prayer from our hearts, in hopes that you may take pity upon us and hear it. From the king down to the commoners all are taught the precepts of truth and propriety, which stand us in the stead of army and navy, wealth and luxuries, and to them we owe it that our country has been preserved to us. It is not our wish that we should serve two masters, but a sense of necessity compels us to do so. Our people are accustomed to say that as Great Japan is our father, and Great China our mother, we should reverently obey them both. Surely there is no place where a child is required to obey its father and forsake its mother. Should a child obey such a command, it could not be

CHAPTER VIII.

AFRICA.

I. EGYPT.

AFTER ten years and more of feverish agitation, culminating in the collapse of the arch agitator, Egypt has devoted the past twelve months to the dull monotonous task of paying her debts. Under pressure from without, she has learnt the maxim of the policy of honesty, and strange to say that, whilst her creditors are satisfied, she herself seems in no way impoverished. The amazing fertility of the soil, the patient laboriousness of the fellaheen, and the other resources of the country which had hitherto been used to attract the avarice of speculators, at length began to commend themselves to the confidence of investors. The history of 1880, as far as Egypt is concerned, is the history of the restoration of her credit, and of her fair start on the road to commercial and agricultural wealth. The leading strings in which the Khedive consented to carry on the government may, on various occasions, have galled him not a little, but great praise is due to Tewfik Pasha for his unswerving loyalty to the Powers who placed him on the throne, and for the strict impartiality with which he has listened to the recommendations of the rival Powers. On more than one occasion he supported his own Ministry against their demands; but more frequently his influence was invoked, and not in vain, to prove to his Cabinet and subjects the necessity of submitting without a murmur to the necessities of the political or financial situation. The latter was the more critical. From the very first moment of his advent to power he had been forced to face two inevitable changes-the reduction in the rate of interest on Government bonds, and the abolition of the Moukabalah tax, in reality a double tax on all landowners, and one of the latest devices of the ex-Khedive. Under a promise that all landowners paying for a series of years a double tax should subsequently only pay one-half of the regular land-tax, Ismael Pasha had aroused hopes of permanent relief which he never intended to realise; whilst in like manner his assurance to his creditors and the European Powers that the proceeds of the double tax would be devoted to paying off the public debt was merely intended as a cloak for further extravagance and folly. The result showed that the double payment was practically impossible. When the Moukabalah was regularly paid, the ordinary land-tax fell into arrear, and when the ordinary tax was paid the Moukabalah was neglected. The tax had been useful to the ex-Khedive as a means for obtaining short loans at an exorbitant rate of interest, and had been one of the origins of the floating debt of six millions, contracted within three years, with which the European Controllers had to deal.