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return, and what had since occurred, wasing gained that object, their triumph it not fair to conclude that the object of ought to be regarded as complete. He the revolutionists was, to overthrow the was of opinion, that England had but one sovereign, and place the next heir to the of two courses to pursue. The first was crown on the throne? Under such circum- that of a silent neutrality—the other that stances, he thought the protest of the of war. The intermediate line recomEnglish government likely to be produc- mended by the noble baron, he was of tive of beneficial consequences to the go- opinion could not be adopted with advanvernment of Naples. It would tend to tage. The noble baron might compose a make them feel the necessity of adopting beautiful, moral lecture-he might proa moderate line of conduct towards fo- duce a fine form of words, a perfect and reign governments and towards persons elaborate composition; but this, however who might be obnoxious to them; and, excellent, would be useless. If it were in fine, of acting so as to convince those not written with the sword, it would prowho were dissatisfied with the means by duce no effect. No man regretted more which the revolution had been effected, than he did, the pressure of distress now that, however impure the source from experienced in this country-no man re, which their power sprung, it was their de- gretted more than he did, the advantages termination not to use it unworthily. taken of those distresses—but when they The noble earl had complained of the ap- were told that all these distresses sprung pearance of an English fleet in the Bay from the errors of governments, in which of Naples. When he considered the cir- the people had no concern - when they cumstances of the revolution, he thought were told that all their hopes must depend the noble earl must feel that the presence upon the continuance of peace--was it to of an English ffeet was necessary for the be supposed that foreign powers were protection of British interests. The noble ignorant of these things, or ignorant of lord who spoke last, complained of the the temper of the people, or of the temper British government not having expressed of parliament? These things must be its disapprobation of the aggression of the known ; and when it was seen that our allies. Now, in his opinion, that disap- force was diminished from motives of probation was expressed in the circular economy, it was not to be expected that of the secretary of state addressed to the we should possess all the influence which allies. He went along with the noble belonged to us while our army was entire, mover, in expressing his abhorrence of and not a shot in Europe could be fired the principle on which the allied sove- without our permission. To him, then, reigns acted. He considered the success it appeared, that unless the noble earl and fúl progress of such a principle as de- the noble baron were prepared to propose structive to liberty throughout the world. that we should depart from the line which For what more detestable ground of we had taken, which appeared to him to policy could be supposed than this, that be that of strict neutrality, they ought the happiness of the governed was as not to wish it deviated from at all. To put nothing when weighed against the in- forth a remonstrance, and not to enforce terest, the pleasure, or the apprehensions it by the sword, would be but to expose of the party governing? He must repeat, our' impaired fortunes, and our broken that the circular of our government had spirit. "It was his most anxious wish 10 disarmed that principle of half its power avoid this, to place the parliament in harin the onset. What had been done pre- mony with the people, and to revive that cluded Austria from seeking its own ag- mutual confidence which ought to subsist grandísement in its war against Naples. If between the government and the gothe march of the Austrian troops could be verned, and which constituted the real justified on any principle, it was this, that strength of a nation. Without that the government of Naples had fallen into it would be in vain to read a moral lecthe hands of a particular sect, whose suc- ture to the governments of the continent, cess would be incompatible with the safety and the effect of doing so would only be, of all governments. The proceedings of to lower the character of the country and the Austrians ought to be limited by the expose its weakness to the world. He original necessity of the case. They hoped the noble earl would, on reflection, ought only to require security, that the be disposed to withdraw his motion. government of Naples should not be Lord Calthorpe thought the language lodged in the hands of that sect. Hav- of the circular any thing but satisfactory,

was

He complained of it, both for what it im- measures of this government, in its free plied and what it expressed. The sacri- and open communications with Austria, fices made by this country to obtain the and its recent dealings with Naples, objects of the war, loaded as we were at could such conduct be construed to its close with the fruits of war, ought to intend a fair and strict neutrality? He have procured for us a guarantee for the had said, that the usual intercourse beenjoyment of the blessings of peace. The tween this country and Naples had disavowal of the principles put forth by ceased ; and the noble earl opposite imthe allies, which appeared in the circular, mediately expressed his disapprobation of proved that sufficient care had not been chat statement. The noble earl told their taken in the negotiation to accomplish lordships, that new powers were necesthat object. The conduct of Austria sary to be exhibited upon the change of was, in his opinion, such as would justify the government. It was important to asinterference on the part of this country certain what the noble earl meant, and to induce her to refrain from pursuing therefore he wished to ask whether sit her present line of policy.

W. A'Court still remained at Naples our Earl Grey said, he entirely agreed with accredited minister ;-whether he those who maintained that it was the ob- still there vested with the full powers of ject, as it was the policy, of this country his original appointment, as envoy of the to preserve a strict neutrality; but he Neapolitan government ? But this was did think that the noble earl opposite had not all:-not only must they have an acnot succeeded in making it appear that any credited agent at Naples, but the governthing like strict neutrality had been main ment of Naples must have one here. Now, tained. He was of opinion that no such the noble earl had said, that count Ludisposition had been manifested by go- dolph was that accredited agent at our vernment in her communications with he court. Why, was it not notorious, that two nations principally concerned. Had after the events which had changed the there, in truth, in any single transaction face of the government of Naples, count that could be named, been any thing like Ludolph was recalled, and the prince an equal measure preserved between those Cimitelli substituted in his place, as amtwo countries ? The noble earl declared, bassador to this country? Was it not that not disputing but that the case of equally notorious, that prince Cimitelli Naples might form an exception to that was refused to be admitted to the accusgeneral conduct against which the allied tomed audience, and all communication powers were in declared hostility, all he with him evaded by our government. He would say was, that he would not pre- should like to hear from the noble earl, judge the question; but, although the under what powers count Ludolph now noble earl thus deprecated every thing acted to the rejection of prince Cimitelli, like prejudication, his line of argument or whether the count Ludolph had rewas most inconsistent with that declara- ceived any new credentials ?

The rejection. He had promulgated a disclaimer tion of prince Cimitelli was a direct breach of certain acts on the part of a foreign of this boasted neutrality; it was such an government, which had taken upon itself insult to the character and independence to express a disapprobation of the con- of a nation, that only a weak state would duct pursued by the kingdom of Naples : endure. If any thing bearing the characand yet he now maintained, that that fo- ter of neutrality was contemplated by the reign state was justified in the manifesta. British government, when it had an amtion of her disapprobation. As to that bassador attending the conferences at interference on the part of the allied Troppau, it would have deemed it essential sovereigns, it was one of the most flagrant that its accredited minister should contiacts of political injustice, one of the most nue without interruption to represent enormous violations of the law of nations, its interests at Naples. Under such cirthat ever was committed ; and the tardy cumstances, the British government, in disavowal of this government was made the spirit of amicable representation, at a time when its very disapprobation of might have expressed its disapprobation these measures could have no other effect of the proceedings at Naples as injurious but the encouraging the perpetrators of to its own interests, and dangerous to the that violation. And this, the noble earl security of Europe.—The noble earl had told them, was a strict neutrality! But laid considerable stress on the conduct of when noble lords contrasted the general the Neapolitan government, in reference to Sicily.. He (earl Grey) was far from judge the case, but he should be glad to justifying either the principle of the mea- know when they were ever to judge of sures pursued towards that member of the the expediency or the necessity of interNeapolitan dominions, or of palliating the ference? When were we to judge of the breach of that stipulation to which the necessity of applying those principles of noble earl alluded." Yet he must confess national right and public law, which it that he should have liked to have seen was the duty and interest of this country the representation to be made on that to maintain, and which constituted the subject to the court of Naples by a Bri- foundation upon which the true security tish minister : he should like to have seen of nations depends? The noble earl adthe protestation of the secretary of state mitted that a case might arise to which it against the forcible union of one country would be his duty to apply those princiwith another, against the prayers, the ples : But when would he judge of it? wishes, and the interest of that country. Would he wait till after the Austrians It would, indeed, be a curious and extra- had occupied Naples? Would he wait ordinary document to see a state paper, till after the violence had been committed, signed" Castlereagh, " remonstrating and the aggression had taken effect, and against a forced incorporating union be- then sit in judgment on the case ; and tween two divisions of the Neapolitan determine, when it was too late, whether kingdom, on the grounds that it was ef- this was a violation of national law and fected against the wishes and the voice of public right? Instead of saying that we the weaker, by the power and the military ought not to prejudge the case, it was our strength of the stronger [Hear, hear !]duty to judge, in order to prevent that Allowing that Sicily had been oppressed scandalous violation of public right and by Naples, the utmost power that could law, the existence of which even the noble accrue to the allied sovereigns was, the earl was compelled to admit. ' There was right to remonstrate. But these sove- one peculiarity in the noble earl's reason: reigns used no such pretext--they founded ing which deserved notice.

He was their aggression on different grounds.' It ready enoụgh, without proof and without was a dislike to the principles of the revo- deliberation, to prejudge the question belution, and eo nomine, they declared it tween the king and his people : but in dangerous to the other powers. The questions between nation and nation, noble earl spoke of the secret sects and when the great interests of right and jusof the conduct of the army, but he (earl tice were at stake, the impartiality of the Grey) contended that neither constituted noble earl became conspicuous; then the a good ground of interference. The noble noble earl would not prejudge, but he earl laboured much on that point, and would sit with his hands behind him till endeavoured to make out possible cases. the act of aggression had been accomHe contended that the co-operation of plished, and it was too late to remedy the the society of the Carbonari with the evils which had been produced. Such mal-contents in 'the other states of Eucwere the disastrous measures-such the rope justified an interference, which with miserable policy-by which the honour out that co-operation, would not be war- and character of this country were deranted. Some better proof of such co- graded and disgraced. With respect to operation, besides allegations, was essen- that argument of the noble earl, by which tial. But even' were ît the 'fact, the he attempted to justify the altered tone utmost right that could accrue was, the of this government to Naples, in consepower to remonstrate against the exist- quence of the change of the executive ence of such associations, and, if emo government in Naples, he begged to reployed in administering the functions of mind the noble ear), that it was not upon the government, to protest against their the occasion of the revolution of Naples continuance in such a capacity. It was that the substitution of the vicar-general, not, however, to be presumed, that the as representative of the king, took place. co-operation of these sects with the dis-" If he was not much mistaken, that substicontented of other nations was encouraged tution was first effected under our auspices, by the government. Before an interfer- for the purpose of carrying into execuence could be justified, much less aggres. tion the constitution which had been sion defended, that fact ought to have granted to Sicily by lord William Benbeen substantiated by proof. The noble tinck. The king objected to that copstiearl had said, that he did not wish to pre- tution; he refused to take the oaths, and

it was upon that occasion that we gave to consequences which, sooner or later, our sanction to the vicar-general being would involve Europe in a war?. He placed at the head of the executive go- would ask the noble baron what we should vernment, as the representative of his then have gained by that acquiescence, father. The noble baron (Ellenborough) which, for the sake of avoiding war, he had said, that when a nation thought fit now recommended? What, but the deto remonstrate in behalf of another coun- gradation and dishonour of having subtry, against any measures which were me- mitted to measures from a pusillanimous ditated by a third party, that nation should fear of consequences, which were rendered be ready to enforce its remonstrance by more certain and more ruinous by the arms. Upon these principles it could not very means we took, and the very sacribe denied, that this was the most favour- fices we made, in order to avoid them? able moment for remonstrance by those Surely, considering the amicable rela. who, like the noble earl opposite, told us, tions in which we stood with Naples, we that the country never stood in so proud might have remonstrated against any ata situation : who daily repeated, as a tempt to put down the people of that proof of their policy and wisdom, that the country by force, and still have retained authority of this country was never the friendship of the alliance. What was greater, or its influence in the affairs of the conduct of this country with regard Europe more universally acknowledged. to Spain, and what were the consequences When, however, the noble baron objected of that conduct? The noble earl oppoto the propriety of remonstrance, even in site would recollect, that upon his noble a case in which justice and interest de- friend (lord Holland) requesting some manded it, because our voice would be information as to a memorial of the court disregarded, and the weakness of the of Petersburgh with reference to the recountry exposed, did he not, in fact, bear volution in Špain, the noble earl stated the strongest testimony to that lamentable that a remonštrance had been made by system of policy by which the resources this government against that memorial. of this country had been so impaired, and No further motion was made in that its energies so exhausted, and its charac- House, and, what was more to the purter so degraded in the eyes of foreign na- pose, no measures had been taken by the tions, that it was no longer able to vindi. Allied powers against Spain, nor had the cate its interests, and enforce its just re remonstrance against that memorial been monstrances ? But, let the noblě baron attended with any consequences prejudilook to the other side of the alternative, cial to this country. He supposed he and consider how far a silent acquiescence should be called to order, as his noble in the measures now carried on by the friend had been, if he expressed any opiallied powers, for the sake of avoiding nion upon the absurdity of refusing to rehostilities, is calculated to secure us cognize the government of Spain, or any against a war. Since the commencement other country in which an iniquitous ata of this debate, information of an authentic | tempt to impose upon them an arbitrary character had reached him, which an- government, bad been successfully renounced that the Austrian army was ac- sisted by the co-operation of the soldiery tually advancing in three divisions, from with the people. 'He thought his noble three different routes upon Naples, and friend was perfectly justified in the line of that the king of Naples had issued a pro- argument which he had taken. We might clamation from Laybach dissolving the just as well refuse to recognize the revoparliament, and recommending his sub-lution which had placed the present emjects to receive the Austrians as friends. peror of Russia upon the throne; for it How far this was to be considered as a could not be denied that he ascended the free, spontaneous emanation of the will of throne in consequence of the murder of that monarch, he would not determine; his sovereign, his father, though he trusted but it was now certain that the die was the present emperor had no share in it. cast, and that Naples would in all proba. If we objected to a revolution because it bility be shortly occupied by Austria. had been produced by a mutinous soldiery, He would ask the noble baron, whether surely we were equally bound to object to looking to the character of the House of a revolution which had been effected by a Austria, and the general situation and foul and atrocious murder, and we might interests of Europe, the occupation of say to the emperor of the RussiasNaples by Austria was not likely to lead "Though we are not disposed to dispute your right to the throne, yet we will hold not exist before. The tax was a most no amicable intercourse with you until an objectionable one, because it would go to expiatory sacrifice has been made for the affect ships which might be lying idle, as crime which placed you on the throne by well as those which were employed. If the punishment of its authors.” If such the principle which the bill meant to estawere not our language, we should abstain blish was to have any operation at all, it from it only because we had one language ought to have a general operation; but a for the weak and another for the strong principle more fraught with danger he only because we were ready to denounce could not well imagine. He would move even the most justifiable resistance in the as an amendment, “ That the bill be read former, and to encourage the most tyran- a second time that day six months.” nical aggression in the latter. He cer- Mr. Sykes said, that the principle of tainly felt that the noble earl opposite his bill was by no means new. Legislahad completely failed in attempting to tive measures, similar in principle, had justify a course of policy which was in. been adopted in Sunderland. The same consistent with the interests, and degrad. thing was done with respect to Scarboing to the character of the country. He rough, Whitby, and Poole. could not accede to the request made by Mr. Frankland Lewis felt himself bound the noble baron to withdraw this motion; to oppose the extension of the poor rates and, as in the present temper of the to the shipping, and he did so, because House, and particularly after what had it was the acknowledged tendency of the fallen from the noble earl, he saw no pros- poor laws to swallow up all the property pect of succeeding in the object of that in the kingdom, and therefore it was nemotion, he would not trouble their lordcessary, by every possible means, to ships by pressing it to a division. guard against their extension to any spe. The question was put and negatived. cies of property not hitherto within their

reach. There was no danger so certain, HOUSE OF COMMONS,

so inevitable, unless some remedy were

shortly hit upon, as that the poor Monday, February 19.

laws would, by degrees, swallow up HULL POOR RATES BILL.] Mr.

every species of property that was liable Sykes said, that as much misconception to its operation. Would they, then, prevailed on the subject of this bil), he admit the dangerous principle of ex. would, in order to give time for the cor- tending their effects by a measure of a rection of that misconception, move, private nature, which professed to confine “ That the bill be read a second time its operation to a particular place, but this day se'nnight."

which would establish a precedent for Mr. "Huskisson felt himself bound to similar measures in every other port in oppose the motion. A number of persons the kingdom. One great misfortune in interested in the measure were waiting in the system of poor-rates was, that it wore town, and it would be to them a great in the appearance of humanity, whilst it convenience to postpone the second read- produced real hardship and severity. He ing. He had the strongest objections to felt convinced that the poor-rates caused, the bill; though it was introduced as a in a great measure, the extent of public private bill, it yet involved important misery, at the same time, he did not mean public questions, and principles which to throw out the wild notion that the were quite new : and which would go to system could be entirely got rid of. The affect the general property of the country. subject was one to be touched with genIt was agreed on all hands that the poor tleness ; and so it had always been treated. rates were an evil which ought to be re- The principle of the poor rates was this, pressed. The poor rates were a cancer that every parish should support its poor which spread throughout the country; as long as it had the means; but the preand it was not for parliament to encourage sent bill went to subject to a tax property the growth of an evil so monstrous. The which was not now rated. He must thereobject of the bill was to subject a species fore oppose the Bill. of property to poor rates, which hereto- After some further conversation, Mr. fore stood independent of that tax: what Huskisson consented to withdraw his was this but an attempt to extend the amendment, and the bill was ordered to evil? The bill was an attempt to intro- be read a second time on the 27th induce a tax in the port of Hull, which did stant.

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