hope was now at an end. The peculiar situation in which he stood to this country was now so completely altered, that he could have no possible necessity for so large an allowance. Mr. Baring observed, with reference to one of the clauses, that it declared the present provision to be in bar of all other claims as well as of dower. If the Queen were a consenting party to this bill, such an arrangement might be unobjectionable; but it did not appear just to deprive her of any right, where she declined receiving what was tendered in lieu of it. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, the words were unnecessary. The Queen Consort had no title to dower, inasmuch as the Crown lands were not subject to it. It was considered better to make the arrangement co-extensive with her majesty's life, because she was entitled to a similar annuity by her marriage settlement. Mr. Baring would not have adverted to the point, had it not been for the novel circumstance of their now proceeding to grant an annuity to a person who refused to accept it. In the event of her surviving his majesty, she might no longer have the same reason for that refusal. Mr. Huskisson remarked, that the last act of parliament made no distinction with regard to the Queen's surviving. By her marriage settlement she was entitled to the same annuity if she had survived as the Princess of Wales; but the letters patent for executing that settlement were never passed, and there was now no such person as the princess of Wales. The act of settlement had therefore become a nullity, and it was necessary that the provision made by it should be again secured in the event of her surviving his present majesty. Mr. Baring was of opinion that this ought to be done by a special act as it appeared that the Queen's rights had been affected by some omission or neglect. It might be a great hardship to render that a provision for life which she now refused, as implying a sacrifice of character, but might hereafter, under different circumstances, be disposed to receive, if granted in any other form. He could see no objection to grant the present annuity for his majesty's life, and, in the event of the Queen's surviving him, to place the provision on a different footing.. Mr. Huskisson observed, that the present bill provided for the Queen Consort, in the same manner as she had been provided for in her marriage settlement as princess of Wales. Mr. Tierney conceived that the views of all parties would be best answered by the introduction of the bills, as the Queen might otherwise be reduced to the necessity of rejecting a provision for her whole life. Mr. Huskisson said, that it was neither an omission nor a mistake in the act. There was an act enabling the Crown to make her royal highness a certain grant in case the prince of Wales died before her in the life-time of his late majesty; but no such contingency had ever happened. There was nothing in the marriage contract to provide for her majesty as Queen-Consort. Mr. Bernal was at issue with the right hon. gentleman as to its being neither an omission nor a mistake in the act. If she' was not considered entitled to any provision either as princess of Wales or QueenConsort, her rights as a subject must be taken into consideration; and she would then be entitled to her equity on her marriage contract. She had a right to insist on the grant or execution of the letters patent, or on some other instrument, to carry that grant or those letters patent into effect, The Chancellor of the Exchequer maintained that her majesty could have no claim upon the grounds suggested by the hon. gentleman. Though her majesty might have some difficulty in accepting the grant of 50,000l. under the present circumstances, there would be no difficulty in receiving it under this bill, which would recite all the settlements from the marriage settlement inclusive, Mr. Tierney was unwilling to produce at that moment any grave discussion, but he trusted his silence would not subsequently be thrown in his teeth, or that he should be considered by that silence as pledged to any admission, either that: the grant was too small or too large. The bill went through the committee. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Tuesday, February 13. PETITIONS RELATIVE TO THE QUEEN.] Sir W. De Crespigny presented a petition from Tadley, praying for an inquiry into the Agricultural Distresses. The petition ers had instructed him to state, that when a Dutch governor was at the Cape of Good Hope, the salary was only 2,000, a year; since which time, however, it had been raised to no less than 14,000l. The whole system of expenditure, in the colonies, proceeded on the same extravagant principle, and under these circumstances, how could any expectations be entertained that the national distress would diminish? The petitioners also instructed him to pray, that her majesty's name might be restored to the Liturgy; and that an inquiry should be instituted into the conduct of ministers. The omission of her majesty's name from the Liturgy, the petitioners deemed to be as illegal as would have been the omission of the name of the king; and they also considered it as having placed her bona fide in a state of excommunication. Ministers might say, that that was absurd, because her majesty had since received the sacrament; but that was by no means a satisfactory answer. Of this he was persuaded, that in Roman Catholic countries, a similar exclusion of a queen-consort from the prayers of the people would be considered a sentence of excommunication. either of its prayers. He had never been able to bring himself to consider the proceedings against her majesty as unjust, illegal, and inexpedient; and as to parliamentary reform, he ever should oppose every system, which, under the pretence of reform, threatened to endanger the best principles of our constitution. Mr. R. Smith concurred in that part of the petition which prayed for the restoration of her majesty's name to the Liturgy, on the plain ground, that as a lawyer, he could see no legal or constitutional justification for the expulsion of it. To the question of parliamentary reform, he looked with more apprehension of evil than hope of good; and he had determined not to accede to any proposition on that subject, the consequences of which he did not clearly foresee. The hundreds of petitions in which parliamentary reform and her majesty's exclusion from the Liturgy were coupled, showed how unfortunately the latter occurrence had excited the people with respect to the former object. There was not throughout the kingdom a more quiet, orderly, and well-disposed population, than that of the city of Lincoln; and to his certain knowledge, hundreds had signed their names to the present petition, who entertained a sincere respect for royalty, and were indignant at the way in which the dignity of the royal family had been compromised by ministers. A wise government would have endeavoured to conciliate such persons, and not to set up the votes of the House of ComSir R. Wilson expressed his conviction, mons against law, and the general feeling that by a steady perseverance in petition-of the people throughout the kingdom. ing that House, the people would ultimately triumph. He should consider the restoration of her majesty's name to the Liturgy as an act of amnesty. If, on the contrary, ministers persevered in their present course, they must take the consequences, and on their heads would be all the evils that would ensue. Mr. C. Calvert presented a petition, signed by four-fifths of the inhabitants of the parish of St. John's, Southwark. It expressed great disapprobation at the proceedings against her majesty, and astonishment that no means had been devised of diminishing the public expenditure, and extending the national commerce. Sir R. Heron presented a similar petition from Holbeach, many of the signatures to the petition were those of persons who had been called upon to sign what were called loyal declarations, and which they did under the impression that those declarations were merely expressions of loyalty. Subsequently, on discovering that those declarations contained a libel on a portion of their countrymen, and were intended to support a faction in the possession of power, they regretted the delusion into which they had been betrayed, and signed the petition which he held in his hand. At a time when so many persons were apprehensive that it would be impossible much longer to discharge the interest of the national dept, the importance of compelling government to adopt that species of retrenchment which could alone be effective, was self-evident. They 2 R might talk loudly of the necessity of upholding the national faith and credit; but that doctrine came with a bad grace from those who refused to listen to any measures of retrenchment. With respect to parliamentary reform, every thing that he had witnessed since he had the honour of a seat in that House, confirmed him in the opinion of its necessity. Mr. Pelham said, he could assure ministers, that if they calculated upon all the individuals who had signed the loyal declarations as their supporters, they were wofully mistaken. He was convinced that a large majority of the people wished for a change of ministers and of measures. one word of violence-not a word disrespectful to that House. The petitioners relate the state of their feelings with respect to the measure of the Liturgy, and conclude by praying that the House would take into its serious consideration the agitated state, in which the worship of the church of England stands; and, that it would restore to the church that peace and concord, so necessary to the welfare of the established religion. The petitioners, by the 55th canon, are compelled to pray for the Queen [hear!]-by that canon, they are solemnly directed to pray for the Queen by name; and yet, by the order of the king in council, they are expressly prohibited from praying for the Queen! That most unfortunate and illegal measure had introduced nothing but confusion in divine service, and excited unbounded disgust throughout the country. way bear upon the subject. The statute appeared to him to bedirectory--it appeared to be more than directory-it apeared to be mandatory. But if it left, as was contended, a discretionary power, then ought the law in reference to the Queen to be construed in the most favourable, instead of the severest manner; otherwise the statute should be looked upon as a statute, penal in its nature. Of all judg Dr. Lushington presented a petition, signed by ten Clergymen of the established church. The petitioners stated, that they had always been taught to believe that the Act of Uniformity regulated Mr. Lockhart said, that according to the performance of divine service in all the plain words of the act of parliament, respects; and that the power of the the order in council appeared to be illegal. Crown, in ecclesiastical matters, was en- It was not less so, with reference to histirely limited and circumscribed by it. tory and precedent. The forcible arguHe entirely agreed with the petitioners, ments which had been urged on that side that the Act of Uniformity had so limited were combated by the law officers of the and circumscribed the power of the Crown by nicety and subtilty of reasonCrown, which, in his opinion, was pre-ing, by precedents which did not in any vented from making an iota of alteration in the Book of Common Prayer. If this were not so if the Crown, by means of an Order in Council, could make any alteration in the established form of divine worship, it would be difficult to say where the exercise of that power might stop. He could conceive no doctrine more fatal to the established church, or more pregnant with national evil than such a supposition. And why? Un-ments, that to an honourable and feeling doubtedly under the reign of our late revered Sovereign, there was no danger of any such consequences. It was also true, that in his present majesty's reign. no such evil was to be apprehended. But who could tell whether as James the 2nd desired to overthrow the established church by the introduction of popery-some future king, in his latter days, having spent his youth in profligacy and debauchery, might not be wheedled and deluded by that class of religious enthusiasts, called Methodists, and, under the influence of their fanaticism, be tempted to endeavor to introduce into the service of the established church that, which, in his opinion, would be attended with much greater evil than any Roman Catholic doctrines? In the petition, there was not mind was the most abhorrent, which was called an infamous judgment; that judg ment which took away the character of the party, which excluded him from the place of virtuous and honourable society. If, instead of being mandatory, the statute was penal, it ought to be construed favourably-construed, as an ordinary man would construe it, on a fair perusal, and not upon nice and subtle grounds. The exclusion of her majesty's name from the Liturgy was most unconstitutional, and formed a dangerous precedent, as regarded the succession. He complained that ministers had not taken the advice of the twelve judges: instead of which they depended solely on the law officers of the crown. He had intended to move as an amendment to the motion of Mr. Smith, that the question should stand until the advice of the twelve judges were taken but he anticipated, that the result of that night's deliberation would render any step on his part unnecessary. Mr. Harbord observed, that he was not one of those who approved of a secession, under any circumstances, of the members of the English church from their places of worship; but it was a melancholy fact, that such a secession had taken place to a considerable extent. He did not complain so much that her majesty was not prayed for, as he did that she was prayed against. He deprecated the too frequent practice of introducing political matter into sermons. He was sure there was no person in that House but would concur in the propriety of condemning such a prostitution of the pulpit. It was from no political motive whatever that he introduced this subject, but the fact was that he was lately at a parish church with two hon. members, and on that occasion the clergyman introduced politics into his sermon in the most offensive manner. He hoped that through the means of such an humble individual as himself, the practice might be reprobated and discontinued. Dr. Lushington presented a similar petion from King's Lynn. He would take that opportunity of stating as a fact, that a clergyman, who stood remarkable for the active part he had taken against the Queen, had lately confessed that one-third of his parishioners had left the church. The petitioners stated, that the distress and discontent which prevailed throughout the country was to be mainly attributed to the ignorance, obstinacy, and inanity of ministers. He did, from the bottom of his heart, agree in that sentiment. To the conduct of the ministers, and to the defective state of the representation, did he attribute the national misfortunes. Mr. R. Martin said, that if the learned gentleman should continue to deal in such broad assertions against ministers, his veracity would be liable to be questioned [cries of order, order!]. He contended, that he was not out of order; that was not veracity which was not true. The Speaker thought the hon. member was in the first instance somewhat out of order; but he had no doubt but that his explanation was highly disorderly. Mr. Martin said, he received the decision of the Speaker in the most humble and penitential manner. Mr. Alderman Wood presented a similar petition from the lord mayor, aldermen, and livery of London. He trusted, that neither the noble lord opposite, nor the hon. members for Surrey and Somerset, would charge the body that presented this petition with having been paid for their signatures. Mr. Wilson said, that the petition imputed to ministers conduct, so infamous, that if it were true, he would feel himself degraded by remaining in his present neighbourhood. He believed it was untrue, and that the noble lord and his colleagues acted from conscientious motives. He had heard much very ably urged on the question of the Liturgy, but whether it was from want of comprehension or not, he certainly went away unconvinced. He thought her majesty was entitled to all the benefit of the proceedings in another place having been dropt; but when he looked to her answers to certain addresses when he read her Letter to the King, and the communication which she had sent down to that House, he could not help saying, that though she had peace on her tongue, there was war in her heart. Mr. Bernal was not surprised that her majesty had refused the provision which that House had offered; convinced as she was of her innocence, she demanded her rights; to have accepted of that provision would have been a compromise of her honour. Sir G. Robinson presented a similar petition from Northampton. He did not believe, that any man of sense and sincerity, could lay his hand on his heart and say, that the exclusion of her majesty's name from the Liturgy was not intended by ministers as a mark of disgrace, or that such a disgrace was not a punishment. He rejoiced that she had had the magnanimity to refuse any pecuniary arrangement until that right had been recognised. Her majesty, with that magnanimity which characterized the family from which she sprung, had twice refused to barter her honour for a bribe; and he trusted the people had too much generosity to allow their Queen to be starved at last into a compliance with the will of ministers. Mr. C. Dundas presented a similar petition from Kintbury, in Berkshire. Hẹ hoped the House would grant the prayers of the people, and thereby restore peace to the country, and congregations to the deserted churches. Mr. Hobhouse said he had three peti tions to present, which had much the tion, and was to the following effect: same object as the others which had been "We declare that we will regularly attend presented that evening. The first of the to our duties in parliament, and be guided petitions was from the inhabitant house- in our conduct there by the wishes of our holders of the united parishes of St. An- constituents; and we pledge ourselves to drew, Holborn, and St. George the Mar- support a bill to promote reform in partyr, and owed its origin to a loyal address liament; and also a bill to prevent perwhich had been got up at a select meeting, sons receiving pensions from holding seats and circulated for signatures as the ad- in the parliament. (Signed) "Edward dress of the inhabitant householders of Ward and Robt. Stewart." It was datthe united parishes. It turned out, how-ed in the year 1792. In what he now ever, that out of seven or eight thousand said, he had no intention of hurting the houses, only 123 signatures could be feelings of the noble lord; but he did it obtained to this loyal address. The ho- to show, that before the experience of age nourable gentleman produced consider- had corrected the fervour and rashness of able laughter by reading a list of some youth, the noble lord was an advocate of of the signatures, containing the names of those principles which he now so veheforty persons holding office. Gentlemen mently decried. He did trust, that the opposite might laugh; but he had no House had at length become satisfied doubt, that it was thought no very laugh- that they ought to attend to the wishes of able matter by the parishioners to see this the people; but the noble lord did not called, in the public papers, a meeting of know what the wishes of the people were. the inhabitants of the parish. It was, in Now he (Mr. H.) from mingling more fact, no such thing; for none but those in with those classes of them which, perhaps, the secret were admitted into the room; were most unknown to his lordship, could and, to prevent any others from intruding, take upon himself to say that there was a tickets were given to those who were to be general cry throughout the country, which admitted. In consequence of the address was once the cry of a very great man, the got up at this secret meeting, a public illustrious lord Falkland ;-that cry was meeting of the parish was called, at which "peace;" and until the great object of the present petition was agreed to. Its that large part of the population whom prayer was, that the House would procure the noble lord and other honourable memthe restoration of her majesty's name to bers called by names that were meant to the Liturgy, put her in possession of all convey some kind of imputation, someher just rights, and bring to condign pu- times "radicals," and at others renishment those infamous and disloyal per- formers only," was accomplished, peace sons who had sought by nefarious arts to was not likely to prevail throughout the degrade and destroy their lawful Queen. kingdom. He was of opinion, that a reThe petitioners also prayed for such a re- form must at length take place; and it form in that House as should secure to was better that they should grant that to the people a full, fair, free, and equal re- the reiterated prayers of the people, which presentation. The noble lord had said, at some future day must of necessity be on a very late occasion, that he could re- effected somehow. It was in vain for the collect when he could have waded up to noble lord to manifest his determination the knees in the petitions of the "veteran to make no such concession; for as Pynı major," as he termed him. All he could once said to the earl of Strafford, after his observe on this was, so much the more elevation to the peerage, "Though you, shame for the noble lord, that petitions my lord, have left us, we will not leave should have been allowed to accumulate you, until we have that head off those without effect. But, he would endeavour shoulders." God forbid, that the House to recall to the noble lord's mind-if, iu- should ever hold such a language to the deed, it were possible that he could have noble lord! but it was surely well to reforgotten the circumstance—that there gard those petitions, which, from all parts was a time when the cause of parliamen- of England, prayed for a measure, the tary reform numbered his lordship among necessity of which was not less obvious its most eager supporters. The House than its justice. As to the constitution would excuse him if he referred to a do- of the House of Commons, he hoped nocument which he had found lately, in body would be of the same opinion as that turning over some old reform papers. It hon. member for Bodmin, who so hapwas in the shape of a protest or declara- pily illustrated it on the preceding night, |