that irresponsible sect. It would be pre-country to coincide in the views and prinmature in this country to interfere between ciples upon which the allied sovereigns Austria and Naples, until it was shown acted, but that we were prevented by prothat the former had not a justifiable cause per and weighty considerations, from takfor the conduct she had adopted towards ing an active part on the occasion ?-Hẹ the latter. would shortly inform them what those considerations were; but before he did so, he must call upon them to mark the nature of this transaction. Five powers had confederated together for the express purpose of guaranteeing every government, good or bad, against the resentment of the people. Certain events occurred in Spain, and up started Russia calling upon the confederates to take part against the Spanish people. What the answer of this government was to that application he did not know; but it was evidently of such a nature as to stop all proceedings against Spain. Next came the case of Naples; and then proper and weighty considerations prevent the only two countries where the force of popular opinion was felt, from acceding to the principles of the alliance. He would tell the House what those proper and weighty considerations were they were the House of Commons and the people of England; they were the Deputies and Chamber of Peers in France; they were the press of England and, he wished he could add, the press of France. These, and these alone, were the obstacles to the diabolical attack meditated by the allied powers on the general freedom and independence of nations. When the noble earl said that the object of the address was, to assist Naples, he would reply, that it was to assert the national honor, by vindicating the national neutrality; for there were in the acts of the British government, and in the writings of that part of the press which was more particularly under its control, strong reasons for believing that our neutrality was not a positive one, but a leaning towards Austria. For instance, one of the objections made to the present motion was, that it was calculated to excite the Neapolitans to resist the Austrians; but, at the same time that the ministers made this objection, they sent to Austria, upon the first hearing of the Neapolitan revolution, a disapprobation of the means by which it was effected. Was that no encouragement to Austria? If neutrality was the object of our government, then they should repel the insinuation that they were a party to the contract of the allied sovereigns. Such an insinuation was not only an in3 Y

Lord Holland said, that the noble earl who spoke second in the debate, had objected, that the motion of the noble marquis was indistinct and unintelligible, whereas it appeared to him that the noble earl had himself misunderstood that which was distinct, and misrepresented that which was intelligible. The noble earl commenced by observing, that the noble mover had mistaken the manifesto of the allied sovereigns; and to prove this, he referred to the circular note of lord Castlereagh, and not to the manifesto itself. His noble friend, in consequence of the language and conduct of Austria, called upon the House to vindicate the honour of the country; he did not then enter into the question, whether such a vindication of our honour was likely to end in hostilities or not. And why was this done? Because the allied powers because Austria itself had misrepresented to the world the principles upon which this government acted, or at least professed to act. It was said in the declaration of the allied sovereigns, that Great Britain fully coincided in the general principle upon which they acted, but that considerations of state prevented that power from co-operating with them in the prosecution of their plans. This appeared upon the face of that monstrous, disgusting, and hypocritical paper which had been put forth by the amiable and pacific congress of Laybach. The noble lords on the other side said, that the interference with the affairs of Naples was in support of the cause of Austria: but Austria said no-that their sole object was, the peace and safety of the whole of Europe, which were threatened by those proceedings. The noble lord, after quoting some passages from the declaration of the allied sovereigns, asked the noble lord opposite (Liverpool), to stand up and say whether his majesty's ministers coincided in the principles and feelings by which the allied Sovereigns were actuated? The noble earl who had just sat down said he believed Austria to be sincere in her professions. Did the noble earl, or did his majesty's ministers believe her sincere, when she, in that odious and disgusting document, declared the government of this VOL. IV.

they were prevented by circumstances from co-operating openly with them. The noble lord who spoke early in the debate had spoken out; he did not, it was true, say that Austria was in the right, but he took care to say that the other party was in the wrong. Then came the old story of a revolution brought about by the army, and of the operations of the Carbonari. A noble lord had said, that the Carbonari were bound by an oath not to obey God or man. Now, with all due deference to that noble lord, he presumed he did not belong to the Carbonari, and therefore they could not have revealed their oath to him. But, where did these Carbonari ori

sult to this country, but enabled the oppressors of Naples the better to carry their plans into execution. Another instance of neutrality was to be found in the conduct of the papal government. The pope's nuncio at Laybach declared, that the holy father had determined to main tain a neutrality similar to that of the English government. Now, was this neutrality maintained? The holy father had "caused strict orders to be given that the foreign regular troops, on entering and passing through the pontifical dominions, shall be regarded as friends, and not opposed in their passage, but that any of the evil-disposed class who may dare to violate the pontifical territory, shall be vigor-ginate? They were set at work and their ously resisted; and for this purpose his operations fomented by the British goholiness had ordered the fortresses of his venment for the purpose of stirring up the dominions to be put in a state of defence." Italians to make war against France, He did not mean now to say whether the and were used as instruments to drive pope had done right or wrong in this, but the French out of Italy. This brought when he professed to act upon the Eng-him to another part of the question. It lish neutrality, there appeared little doubt that he understood what the nature of that neutrality was to be. The House would see that we were acting the Comedy of Errors from beginning to end. It was, in fact, impossible clearly to understand the situation in which we stood. The noble earl opposite had objected that his noble friend had mistaken the subject. Now one thing was clear. According to the noble earl's statement-either Austria had misunderstood the government of this country, or else she had publicly stated that which she knew to be false with respect to our intentions [Hear, hear!]. He defied the noble earl to get out of this dilemma. A noble earl had stated, that he believed Austria to be sincere. He knew not in what part of the history of the continent the noble lord could find matter on which to ground such an opinion; but, to be sure, there was no accounting for men's belief. That noble earl went on to say, that the natural feelings of all men were favourable to Naples. If this were so, he could only say, that the noble lords over the way had got their artificial feelings wound up to a very high pitch in favour of Austria and against Naples. What was their boasted neutrality-what were the whole of the speeches against this and a former motion-but apologies for Austria and condemnations for Naples? Austria said, and it appeared truly, that the heart and soul of the English government were with the allied powers, though

was objected against the Neapolitans, that they had adopted the Spanish constitution, and yet that there were not five persons in Naples who had read that constitution. He had seen more than five Neapolitans who had read and who understood the Spanish constitution; so that he himself was a witness in contradiction to that assertion. The noble lord here read to the House an extract from lord William Bentinck's proclamation to the Italians in 1814, in which he pointed out the great work performed by the Spaniards, in driving the French out of their territories, and thus establishing their li berty. But how did they establish their liberties? By adopting that constitution which was now sought for by the Neapolitans, and which was charged against them as a crime? Was it to be wondered that the Neapolitans should wish to establish a free constitution? Was it to be wondered at that they should wish for the enjoyment of liberty? It was engraven on their monuments-it was written in their books and in their hearts, and could not be effaced from their memories. "Aliis occasio, aliis animus, nemini voluntas deficit." But we who fomented their wishes, who encouraged their hopes, who favoured their exertions, were we, when those hopes were about to be realised, to dash them at once to the ground? It was hard, very hard, that we, who had taught them to believe us their friends, should at such a crisis not only desert, but oppress them. It was argued against

the Neapolitans, that they had refused peace and tranquillity! Why then did their king eight days within which to form they keep up so large a military establisha constitution. Now, he considered such ment? They came forward and talked a period much too long; for if such events of tranquillity and peace, who sent hordes were not brought about quickly, they of barbarians from the remotest quarter could not be brought about at all. By of Europe to spread war and desolation the Spanish constitution, the succession of over its fairest portion ! "Et nomen the king of Naples to the crown of Spain pacis dulce est, et ipsa res salutaris; sed was acknowledged. The king of Naples inter pacem et servitutem plurimum inhad congratulated his cousin the king of terest. Pax est tranquilla libertas ; serSpain, on the establishment of the con- vitus malorum omnium postremum, non stitution. What then were the Neapoli- modo bello, sed morte etiam repellentans to do? They saw a constitution dum.' These were the sentiments of a fostered by England, approved of by their great man, and he hoped and trusted that king, and from which every advantage similar sentiments would inspire the peo was to be derived-was there any thing ple of Naples with that courage which more natural than that they should say, alone could preserve their freedom. He "We cannot do better than adopt this rejoiced to say, that the eloquent language constitution." But what was the objec- of the noble baron near him (Ellenbotion to this? It was urged that the Span- rough) had raised in his mind some faint ish constitution was foreign, and not suit- hope that they would be able to defend ed to the Neapolitans. It came with an themselves with success. He confessed ill grace from Austria, after having oppos- that he felt warm on this occasion, and ed the introduction of the Spanish con- that it ruffled his temper to see a smile stitution into Naples, to propose for their on the countenances of noble lords, when adoption the constitution of England. As he and his noble friends spoke of inquiry if those Neapolitans, who were unable on these subjects; for it induced him to to translate the Spanish constitution into think, that there were persons who wished Italian, should be all at once fully con- in their hearts that Naples might not sucversant with Blackstone, and the other ceed in her opposition to the invasion by great law authorities of this country! Austria. He rejoiced to think that the Suppose for a moment that the Neapoli- history of the modern world recorded extans were about to adopt the English con- amples of successful resistance, under cirstitution, and were to write over to this cumstances which rendered resistance as country to make the necessary inquiries hopeless. Switzerland had successfully as to its nature; suppose that they, in the resisted. Holland had successfully refirst instance, applied to the learned lord sisted. So had America and Spain; and on the woolsack, for a definition of the Bri- he hoped that Naples too would succeed. tish constitution. Why, the very first ob- It was with great satisfaction he had servation of the learned lord would be, heard the noble baron say, that even if the that the British constitution was "essen-invasion by Austria should, in the first intially Protestant " [A laugh]. It certainly would move any one to laugh, to hear such coxcombs talk of establishing a constitution, were it not for the reflection that those coxcombs were backed with bayonets to enforce any doctrine, however absurd or ridiculous, A noble lord said, he believed the allied sovereigns sincere. He (lord Holland) could scarcely imagine how their proceedings could be argued upon with temper or moderation. After reading an extract from the declaration, in which the allied powers declared their only object to be "the preservation of peace and tranquillity in interior states, " he observed, that if any thing could add to the atrocity of such conduct, it was the detestable hypocrisy under which it was masked. They the lovers of

stance be successful, still Naples might be ultimately triumphant. He begged leave to add one word on the subject of war. It had been said, that those who talked of the distress of the country were now the advocates for involving it in a war, which must necessarily increase that distress; but he affirmed, on the contrary, that a compliance with the present motion was the most likely way to avoid a war. If there was one individual in that House who abhorred war more than another, it was the person who now had the honour of addressing them : he believed there had only been one war since the accession of the Brunswick family, of which he approved. But, deeply rooted as was his abhorrence of war, he would never say that the state of the country, or

the embarrassment of our finances, was a reason for abstaining from it when it was necessary for the honour of the nation. The question, however, was not at present one of peace or war, but whether government were not called on to state the reasons of their conduct, which had been misrepresented by Austria. If such an explanation should lead to a war, he would lament the circumstances; but, from the fear of such an event he would not abstain from vindicating the honour of the country.

House really had to consider was divided into two branches:-1. Whether in the present situation of Europe, neutrality was the desirable policy for England? and 2. Whether the present conduct of this government was fair neutrality? He agreed with the noble baron, that, however desirable peace might be to this country, as its general policy or at this particular time, there was no time when this country should not dare to undertake a war which was necessary for its safety or honour. But however abundant the The Earl of Liverpool said, that a great resources of the country might be, he saw part of the noble lord's speech had been in the circumstances of Europe, in the occupied with eloquent declamation declaration of the allies, in the speeches against the interference of the allied of the noble lord, ample reasons for saypowers with Naples; and he could not ing that neutrality was the true policy of help remarking, that when they had seen this country. As to the general princiother independent states attacked in a si- ples laid down in the declaration of the milar manner, they had heard no eloquent allies, no one regretted them more than declamation from the noble lords oppo- he did. No one, who looked at the affairs site. The noble lords on those occasions of Europe dispassionately could avoid had, on the contrary inculcated the neces- seeing that there were two conflicting sity of peace, and the impolicy of inter- principles in the world. Never did fering. The only exception was, in the Russia, Austria, and Prussia do a more case of the invasion of Spain, against ill-advised act, than when they put forth which his noble friend opposite had cer- that declaration. Till then it might be tainly expressed an opinion. The pre- doubted whether there were two extreme sent motion he believed to be without principles in action. But that declaration precedent. The constitution invested the fully set forth one extreme principle, the Crown with the power of making war or disposition to crush all revolutions, withpeace, and of negotiating with other out reference to time, to circumstances, states. The right of parliament to refuse to causes, or to the situation of the nathe supplies, he believed to be equal to tions in which they arose. The other the right of the Crown to declare war; extreme principle, which he was sorry to and he was not prepared to deny that see manifested in the noble lords opposite parliament might advise the king to resort was to uphold all revolutions, not looking to war. It was an admonition impro- to their causes or justifications. Revoluperly applied, and if fit to be applied, im- tions seemed to them to be certain good properly expressed. There were two-the name cheered up their hearts. Let modes in which a great nation could interfere. Its influence might be exercised in private by its accredited agents; but, when its sentiments were recorded by a public declaration, they must make up their minds to enforce their declaration by arms, if it should be disregarded. If there was any doubt, whether this motion was a motion of war, the speech of his noble friend had removed all doubt. The noble baron avowed that he looked to war; he hoped, perhaps, that war might not be necessary; the noble baron should have credit for those hopes, but war was one alternative on which he relied. But if this was the sentiment of the supporters of the motion, they should say so distinctly, and give advice to the king accordingly. The question which the

their lordships look, then, to the constitution of Great Britain, which they boasted to be as far removed from despotism on the one hand, as from wild revolutionary principles on the other. They would see that the policy which the constitution demanded between two such principles was neutrality. Neutrality was our policy; neutrality would command the respect of all the nations, and of all the temperate and moral men of Europe, But were we in a state of fair neutrality? The noble lord had referred to the manifesto of Austria. If the manifesto bore the sense attributed to it by the noble lord, it stated that which was not correct, but he did not think the manifesto could fairly bear the interpretation which the noble lord had put upon it. He was convinced that