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that irresponsible sect. It would be pre-country to coincide in the views and prinmature in this country to interfere between ciples upon which the allied sovereigns Austria and Naples, until it was shown acted, but that we were prevented by prothat the former had not a justifiable cause per and weighty considerations, from takfor the conduct she had adopied towards ing an active part on the occasion ?-He the latter.

would shortly inform them what those Lord Holland said, that the noble earl considerations were ; but before he did who spoke second in the debate, had so, he must call upon them to mark the objected, that the motion of the noble nature of this transaction. marquis was indistinct and unintelligible, had confederated together for the express whereas it appeared to him that the noble purpose of guaranteeing every governearl had himself misunderstood that which ment, good or bad, against the resentwas distinct, and misrepresented that ment of the people. Certain events ocwhich was intelligible. The noble earl curred in Spain, and up started Russia callcommenced by observing, that the noble ing upon the confederates to take part mover had mistaken the manifesto of against the Spanish people. What the the allied sovereigns; and to prove this, answer of this government was to that ap. he referred to the circular note of lord plication he did not know ; but it was Castlereagh, and not to the manifesto it- evidently of such a nature as to stop all self. His noble friend, in consequence of proceedings against Spain. Next came the language and conduct of Austria, the case of Naples; and then proper and called upon the House to vindicate the weighty considerations prevent the only honour of the country ; he did not then two countries where the force of popular enter into the question, whether such a opinion was felt, from acceding to the prinvindication of our honour was likely to ciples of the alliance. He would tell the end in hostilities or not. And why was House what those proper and weighly this done ? Because the allied powers considerations were : they were the because Austria itself-had misrepresent- House of Commons and the people of ed to the world the principles upon which England ; they were the Deputies and this government acted, or at least profes- Chamber of Peers in France ; they were sed to act. It was said in the declaration the press of England and, he wished he of the allied sovereigns, that Great Bri- could add, the press of France. These, tain fully coincided in the general princi- and these alone, were the obstacles to the ple upon which they acted, but that con- diabolical attack meditated by the allied siderations of state prevented that power powers on the general freedom and indefrom co-operating with them in the prose- pendence of nations. When the noble cution of their plans. This appeared upon earl said that the object of the address the face of that monstrous, disgusting, was, to assist Naples, he would reply, that and hypocritical paper which had been it was to assert the national honor, by put forth by the amiable and pacific con- vindicating the national neutrality ; for gress of Laybach. The noble lords on there were in the acts of the British gothe other side said, that the interference vernment, and in the writings of that part with the affairs of Naples was in support of of the press which was more particularly the cause of Austria : but Austria said under its control, strong reasons for beno-that their sole object was, the peace lieving that our neutrality was not a posiand safety of the whole of Europe, which tive one, but a leaning towards Austria. were threatened by those proceedings. For instance, one of the objections made The noble lord, after quoting some pass-to the present motion was, that it was cal. ages from the declaration of the allied so- culated to excite the Neapolitans to revereigns, asked the noble lord opposite sist the Austrians ; but, at the same time, (Liverpool), to stand up and say whether that the ministers made this objection, bis majesty's ministers coincided in the they sent to Austria, upon the first hearprinciples and feelings by which the allied ing of the Neapolitan revolution, a disapsovereigns were actuated? The noble probation of the means by which it was earl who had just sat down said he believo effected. Was that no encouragement to ed Austria to be sincere in her profes- Austria ? If neutrality was the object of sions. Did the noble earl, or did his ma- our government, then they should repel jesty's ministers believe her sincere, when the insinuation that they were a party to she, in that odious and disgusting docu- the contract of the allied sovereigos. ment, declared the government of this Such an insinuation was not only an inVOL. LV.

Five powers

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sult to this country, but enabled the op- , they were prevented by circumstances pressors of Naples the better to carry their from co-operating openly with them. The plans into execution. Another instance noble lord who spoke early in the debate of neutrality was to be found in the con- had spoken out; he did not, it was true, duct of the papal government. The say that Austria was in the right, but he pope's nuncio at Laybach declared, that took care to say that the other party was the holy father had determined to main in the wrong. Then came the old story of tain a neutrality similar to that of the a revolution brought about by the army, English government. Now, was this neu- and of the operations of the Carbonari. trality maintained? The holy father had A noble lord had said, that the Carbonari “ caused strict orders to be given that the were bound by an oath not to obey God foreign regular troops, on entering and or man. Now, with all due deference to passing through the pontifical dominions, that noble lord, he presumed he did not shall be regarded as friends, and not op- belong to the Carbonari, and therefore posed in their passage, but that any of the they could not have revealed their oath to evil-disposed class who may dare to vio- him. But, where did these Carbonari orilate the pontifical territory, shall be vigor- ginate ? They were set at work and their ously resisted ; and for this purpose his operations fomented by the British goHoliness had ordered the fortresses of his venment for the purpose of stirring up the dominions to be put in a state of defence. Italians to make war against France, He did not mean now to say whether the and were used as instruments to drive pope had done right or wrong in this, but the French out of Italy. This brought when he professed to act upon the Eng- him to another part of the question. It lish neutrality, there appeared little doubt was objected against the Neapolitans, that that he understood what the nature of they had adopted the Spanish constituthat neutrality was to be. The House tion, and yet that there were not five perwould see that we were acting the Co. sons in Naples who had read that constitumedy of Errors from beginning to end. tion. He had seen more than five NeaIt was, in fact, impossible clearly to politans who had read and who underunderstand the situation in which we stood the Spanish constitution ; so that stood. The noble earl opposite had ob- he himself was a witness in contradiction jected that his noble friend had mis- to that assertion. The noble lord here taken the subject. Now one thing was read to the House an extract from lord clear. According to the noble earl's William Bentinck's proclamation to the statement-either Austria had misunder. Italians in 1814, in which he pointed out stood the government of this country, or the great work performed by the Spanelse she had publicly stated that which iards, in driving the French out of their she knew to be false with respect to our territories, and thus establishing their liintentions (Hear, hear ! ]. He defied berty. But how did they establish their the noble earī to get out of this dilemma. liberties? By adopting that constitution A noble earl had stated, that he believed which was now sought for by the NeapoliAustria to be sincere. He knew not in tans, and which was charged against them what part of the history of the continent as a crime? Was it to be wondered that the noble lord could find matter on which the Neapolitans should wish to establish to ground such an opinion ; but, to be a free constitution ? Was it to be wonsure, there was no accounting for men's dered at that they should wish for the enbelief. That noble earl went on to say, joyment of liberty ? It was engraven on that the natural feelings of all men were their monuments-it was written in their favourable to Naples. "If this were so, he books and in their hearts, and could not could only say, that the noble lords over be effaced from their memories. « Aliis the way had got their artificial feelings occasio, aliis animus, nemini voluntas wound up to a very high pitch in favour deficit.But we who fomented their of Austria and against Naples. What wishes, who encouraged their hopes, who was their boasted neutrality-what were favoured their exertions, were we, when the whole of the speeches against this and those hopes were about to be realised, to a former motion ---but apologies for Aus- dash them at once to the ground ? It tria and condemnations for Naples ? Aus. was hard, very hard, that we, who had tria said, and it appeared truly, that taught them to believe us their friends, the heart and soul of the English govern- should at such a crisis not only desert, ment were with the allied powers, though but oppress them. It was argued against the Neapolitans, that they had refused peace and tranquillity! Why then did their king eight days within which to form they keep up so large a military establisha constitution. Now, he considered such ment ? They came forward and talked a period much too long ; for if such events of tranquillity and peace, who sent hordes were not brought about quickly, they of barbarians from the remotest quarter could not be brought about at all. By of Europe to spread war and desolation the Spanish constitution, the succession of over its fairest portion ! « Et nomen the king of Neples to the crown of Spain pacis dulce est, et ipsa res salutaris ; sed was acknowledged. The king of Naples inter pacem et servitutem plurimum inhad congratulated his cousin the king of terest. Pax est tranquilla libertas ; serSpain, on the establishment of the con- vitus malorum omnium postremum, non stitution. What then were the Neapoli. modo bello, sed morte etiam repellentans to do?

They saw a constitution dum.” These were the sentiments of a fostered by England, approved of by their great man, and he hoped and trusted that king, and from which every advantage similar sentiments would inspire the peowas to be derived—was there any thing ple of Naples with that courage which more natural than that they should say, alone could preserve their freedom. He “We cannot do better than adopt this rejoiced to say, that the eloquent language constitution.” But what was the objec- of the noble baron near him (Ellenbotion to this? It was urged that the Span rough) had raised in his mind some faint ish constitution was foreign, and not suit- hope that they would be able to defend ed to the Neapolitans. It came with an themselves with success. He confessed ill grace from Austria, after having oppos- that he felt warm on this occasion, and ed the introduction of the Spanish con- that it ruffled his temper to see a smile stitution into Naples, to propose for their on the countenances of noble lords, when adoption the constitution of England. As he and his noble friends spoke of inquiry if those Neapolitans, who were unable on these subjects ; for it induced hiin to to translate the Spanish constitution into think, that there were persons who wished Italian, should be all at once fully con. in their hearts that Naples might not sucversant with Blackstone, and the other ceed in her opposition to the invasion by great law authorities of this country! Austria. He rejoiced to think that the Suppose for a moment that the Neapoli- history of the modern world recorded extans were about to adopt the English con- amples of successful resistance, under cirstitution, and were to write over to this cumstances which rendered resistance as country to make the necessary inquiries hopeless. Switzerland had successfully as to its nature ; suppose that they, in the resisted. Holland had successfully refirst instance, applied to the learned lord sisted. So had America and Spain ; and on the woolsack, for a definition of the Bri- he hoped that Naples too would succeed. tish constitution. Why, the very first ob- It was with great satisfaction he had servation of the learned lord would be, heard the noble baron say, that even if the that the British constitution was “ essen- invasiun by Austria should, in the first intially Protestant” [A laugh]. It cer. stance be successful, still Naples miglit be tainly would move any one to laugh, to ultimately triumphant. He begged leave hear such coxcombs talk of establishing a to add one word on the subject of war.

It constitution, were it not for the reflection had been said, that those who talked of that those coxcombs were backed with the distress of the country were now the bayonets to enforce any doctrine, how- advocates for involving it in a war, which ever absurd or ridiculous, A noble lord must necessarily increase that distress ; said, he believed the allied sovereigns sin- but he affirmed, on the contrary, that

He (lord Holland) could scarcely a compliance with the present motion imagine how their proceedings could be was the most likely way to avoid a argued upon with temper or moderation. war. If there was one individual in that After reading an extract from the declara- House who abhorred war more than anotion, in which the allied powers declared ther, it was the person who now had the their only object to be “ the preservation honour of addressing them : he believed of peace and tranquillity in interior there had only been one

war since states," he observed, that if any thing the accession of the Brunswick family, of could add to the atrocity of such conduct, which he approved. But, deeply rooted it was the detestable bypocrisy under as was his abhorrence of war, he would which it was masked. They the lovers of never say that the state of the country, or

cere.

the embarrassment of our finances, was House really had to consider was divided a reason for abstaining from it when it into two branches :-). Whether in the was necessary for the honour of the na- present situation of Europe, neutrality tion. The question, however, was not was the desirable policy for England and at present one of peace or war, but whether 2. Whether the present conduct of this government were not called on to state government was fair neutrality? He the reasons of their conduct, which had agreed with the noble baron, that, howbeen misrepresented by Austria. If such ever desirable peace might be to this ‘an explanation should lead to a war, he country, as its general policy or at this would lament the circumstances; but, particular time, ihere was no time when from the fear of such an event he would this country should not dare to undertake not abstain from vindicating the honour of a war which was necessary for its safety the country

or bonour. But however abundant the The Earl of Liverpool said, that a great resources of the country might be, he saw part of the noble lord's speech had been in the circumstances of Europe, in the occupied with eloquent declamation declaration of the allies, in the speeches against the interference of the allied of the noble lord, ample reasons for say, powers with Naples; and he could not ing that neutrality was the true policy of help remarking, that when they had seen this country. As to the general princiother independent states attacked in a si- ples laid down in the declaration of the milar manner, they had heard no eloquent allies, no one regretted them more than declamation from the noble lords oppo. he did. No one, who looked at the affairs sile. The noble lords on those occasions of Europe dispassionately could avoid had, on the contrary inculcated the neces seeing that there were two conflicting sity of peace, and the impolicy of inter- principles in the world. Never did fering. The only exception was, in the Russia, Austria, and Prussia do a more case of the invasion of Spain, against ill-advised act, than when they put forth which his noble friend opposite had cer- that declaration. Till then it might be tainly expressed an opinion. The pre- doubted whether there were two extreme sent motion he believed to be without principles in action. But that declaration precedent. The constitution invested the fully set forth one extreme principle, the Crown with the power of making war or disposition to crush all revolutions, withpeace, and of negotiating with other out reference to time, to circumstances, states. The right of parliament to refuse to causes, or to the situation of the nathe supplies, he believed to be 'equal to tions in which they arose. The other the right of the Crown to declare war; extreme principle, which he was sorry to and he was not prepared to deny that see manifested in the noble lords opposite parliament might advise the king to resort was to uphold all revolutions, not looking to war. It was an admonition impro- to their causes or justifications. Revoluperly applied, and if fit to be applied, im- tions seemed to them to be certain good properly expressed. There were two-the name cheered up their hearts. Let modes in which a great nation could in their lordships look, then, to the constituterfere. Its influence might be exercised tion of Great Britain, which they boasted in private by its accredited agents; but, to be as far removed from despotism on when its sentiments were recorded by a the one hand, as from wild revolutionary public declaration, they must make up principles on the other. They would see their minds to enforce their declaration that the policy which the constitution deby arms, if it should be disregarded. If manded between two such principles was there was any doubt, whether this motion neutrality. Neutrality was our policy ; was a motion of war, the speech of his neutrality would command the respect of noble friend had removed all doubt. The all the nations, and of all the temperate noble baron avowed that he looked to and moral men of Europe, But were we war; he hoped, perhaps, that war might in a state of fair neutrality? The noble not be necessary; the noble baron should lord had referred to the manifesto of have credit for those hopes, but war was

Austria. If the manifesto bore the sense one alternative on which he relied. But attributed to it by the noble lord, it stated if this was the sentiment of the supporters that which was not correct, but he did of the motion, they should say so dis- not think the manifesto could fairly bear tinctly, and give advice to the king ac- the interpretation which the noble lord cordingiy. "The question which the had put upon it. He was convinced that

by “ the allied powers” were meant HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Russia, Austria, and Prussia, and that
Great Britain was not alluded to. These

Friday, March 2. were in fact the only parties assembled at ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS.] The Troppau; For though we had a represen- order of the day being read for the House tative at that place, he was no party either to resolve itself into a committee to conto the conferences or to the protocols. sider of this subject, He came now to the second question.

Mr. Plunkett said, that previous to Was this country in a fair state of neu moving that the Speaker should leave the trality? If he was not misinformed, his chair, he had a few observations to make, majesty's minister residing at Naples had in which he should not occupy much made a declaration of the neutrality of of the time of the House, as he saw no this country, which had been deemed reason to anticipate objection to the perfectly satisfactory by the Neapolitans, course he was about to propose. It was and had removed all doubt whatever res- highly gratifying to him to observe the pecting the disposition of Great Britain. feeling which prevailed on all sides in that He had further the satisfaction of know. House throughout the late discussion on ing the sentiments entertained throughout this subject ; a feeling which assured him Europe of the paper now upon their that those who were bound by their sense lordships table. He knew that all the of duty to contend against the measures states on the 'continent were gratified by which he proposed, would scorn to act it, and were convinced, from the princi- upon a vexatious spirit in opposing the ples it contained, of the neutrality of this bill. He deemed it a duty which he country. He was convinced that Ferdi-owed both to the friends of the measure nand of Spain had provoked the revolu- and to those gentlemen who were conscition in that country, but he had no case entiously opposed to it, now to state to before him to show that the king of Na- the House the course he proposed to ples had done the same. At the same pursue, which was, to propose in the time he wished to give no opinion whether committee certain Resolutions, which he circumstances might not exist to justify would presently read to them; and after the revolution which had taken place at they were carried, and leave given to Naples. The opinion of the noble lords op bring in the bill which he intended to posite seemed to be, that this country ought found upon them, to fix the first reading to interfere with every great event that of the bill for Tuesday next, and the seoccurred in Europe: but what had hitherto cond reading for the Monday following ; been the uniform policy of Great Britain? which arrangement, he conceived, would Had any motion been made in parliament afford ample time for every member to against the partition of Poland Had not enter fully into its merits. "The Resolunoble lords raised their voices against that tions which he intended to propose were : act of spoliation, and given it as their opi- 1. “ That it appears to this committee, nion that this country should go to war that by certain acts passed in the parliain defence of the Poles ? It might be ments of Great Britain and Ireland ressaid, that this motion only called on go- pectively, certain declarations and affirvernment to state the reasons of their con- mations are required to be made, as qualiduct; but let it be recollected, that if they fications for the enjoyment of certain once remonstrated, they must be prepared offices, franchises, and civil rights, therein for the consequences. The country must mentioned. not put itself into the situation of having 2. “ That such parts of said oaths as made a vain remonstrance, which it require a declaration to be made against had not the courage or the means to en- the belief of transubstantiation, or that the force. This was a case in which parlia- invocation or adoration of the Virgin ment could not interfere without either Mary, or any other saint, and that the making themselves a laughing stock to all sacrifice of the Mass, as used in the Europe, or resolving to hazard the conse- Church of Rome, are superstitious and quences of a refusal.

idolatrous, appear to this committee to After a short reply from the marquis relate to opinions merely speculative of Lansdown, the House divided : Con- and dogmatical, not affecting the allegitents, 23; Proxies 14—37. Not-Con- ance or civil duty of the subject, and that tents 42; Proxies 42–84. Majority the same may, therefore, safely be reagainst the motion 47.

pealed.

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