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slightingly. No specific'measure had follow- , who had not made a return had no schooli ed he would admit, upon their valuable re- and according to that presumption, there ports, owing to certain obstacles which were 576 clergymen who had neglected to had been laid, in due course, before the do that which, by the oath they had taken, government. To remove those obstacles, they were bound to do. This return was he had prepared a bill, which he intended made in 1810, and he sincerely hoped to bring before parliament.
that the clergymen could now make å Sir #1. Parnell, though in general an more satisfactory return. The 12th of enemy to aids of the nature which this Elizabeth contained the enactments of subject was likely to call for, from the Henry 8th, in favour of education, and liberality of governinent, thought that would it now be denied in opposition to it was one which might justify such a what was commonly called, the “ wisdom grant.
of our ancestors," that education led to Mr. Spring Rice hoped it was not ne truth, and truth to virtue and happicessary to offer any arguments at the pre- ness. He considered the subject of edu. sent day to shew that the advantages to cation to be of the utmost importance to be derived from the principles of general Ireland ; and he trusted under the concieducation more than counterbalanced the liatory auspices of the right hon. gentledisadvantages. Should any one, however, man, some comprehensive system of moral doubt it, it would be satisfactory to its ad- instruction for the poor of Ireland, would vocates to find, on reference to the Statute be brought into action. At no one time books, that our forefathers had recognised could it be more effectual in its applicathe principle. By a statute of Henry 8th tion than at the present, when the mild it was enacted, that parochial schools and conciliatory administration of the should be established in Ireland for the right hon. gentleman had produced so fa instruction of the Irish youth generally. vourable an impression in that country. The preamble of that act set forth the It had been said' (and he had heard the necessity of such establishments, as calcu- statement with regret, because he thought lated to bring a barbarous people into it very lightly made) that the Catholics in a coincidence of language and man- Ireland, and particularly the Catholic ners with a people who were civilized. He clergy were opposed to general education. did not quarrel with the terms of the act, As a friend to the Roman Catholics he debut he greatly regretted that its spirit and nied this. They were opposed to it where its enactmenis were not more strictly ob- it was connected, or where they suspected served. By that act it was enjoined, that it to be connected, with a spirit of proselyta every clergyman who possessed a benefice ism. Where that spirit did not dictate in Ireland, should teach or cause to be the system of education, no persons could taught, a school in this parish, and that the be more favourable to it than the Roman youth of the place should be instructed in Catholics. When they found that this the English language. For an omission spirit of proselytism was sought to be of this duty, the act imposed a fine for the made the ground on which the blessings first offence; a large fine for the second; of education were to be bestowed, they and for the third, the loss of his benefice. were naturally opposed to it. When the It was also enacted that every clergyman established clergy were advised, under the on his appointment to a benefice should sanction of an individual who had recently take an oath to the following effect :-“I been advanced to the highest dignities swear that I will teach, or cause to be in the church, that they were to teach the taught, the English language, in a school people, not only to believe in the religion in my parish.” Now, he was sorry to find, of Christ, but they must also accept it as that, notwithstanding the strictness of the received and understood by the Church act and the solemn pledge of an oath, of England, was it to be wondered that which every clergyman was obliged to the jealousy of the Catholics should be take at this day, so little attention seem- awakened? When they found their relia ed to be paid to this subject. There gion stigmatised in a late charge of the were 1,125 benefices in Ireland, out of right reverend prelate, to whom he alladwhich 736 only, had made returns to ed as “ a doctrine subversive of a christian the orders of the committee in 1810, and ministry, annulling the value of a Reof which 549 only had scholars in con- deemer's sacrifice, and disenthroning the formity with the regulations of the statute. Son of God," was it very surprising that Now, it was a fair presumption that those they should feel some alarm, as well as some indignation ?- These opinions of the that up to the moment in February when right reverend prelate (the bishop of Kil. it had been issued, the most extraordinary Jalloe) had, he was convinced, proceeded delusion existed, and was announced to merely from a want of knowledge of the the people of the continent, respecting country to which he was sent. These the sentiments with which the proceedings opinions formed a striking contrast with against Naples were viewed by his majesthe declared judgment of the board of ty's government. It was his object, thereeducation, in which those dignified cha-fore, to place the opinion of the governracters, the primate of Ireland, the arch. ment and of the House beyond all possi. bishop of Cashel, and the bishops of Kil. bility of doubt. In doing 80 he should lalla and Limerick had united. Those avoid as much as possible recurring to prelates in their 14th report had expressed the past conduct, or rather omission, of their “unanimous opinion, that no new bis majesty's ministers. He wished to places for the education of the lower take no advantage of that; much as orders in Ireland, however wisely and un- he lamented that so many months should exceptionably contrived in other respects, have elapsed without their finding it possicould be successful unless it should be ex. ble to make foreign ministers understand plicitly avowed, and clearly understood, their motives-much as he was surprised that no attempt should be made to disturb that the secretary for Foreign affairs, peculiar religious tenets of any sect or de- who was personally acquainted with those nomination of Christians."
ministers, should also have been unMr. W. Courtenay bore testimony to able to make them comprehend the the disposition of the Catholics to support views of this country, but should on schools which were conducted on a liberal the contrary have led them into a total system.
misapprehension of them. The only use The motion was agreed to.
which he wished to make of that circumstance was, to impress upon their lordships
the paramount duty which they owed to HOUSE OF LORDS.
themselves and to their country, of Friday, March 2,
making known and publicly embodying NAPLES-CONDUCT OF THE ALLIED their sentiments. He should first consiPowers.] The Marquis of Lansdown der what were the principles which the rose, pursuant to his notice, to call the Allied Powers had proclaimed on the preattention of their lordships to the trans- sent occasion, and on which they had actions which had been, and which he feared, founded their proceedings; and, in the were still carrying on in the South of next place, what consequences were likely Italy. However strong his personal opi- to result from their acting upon those nion on the subject he hardly knew whe- principles. On the outset he must also ther he should have had the courage state, that in speaking of the courts of to introduce a subject of such importance, Vienna, Berlin, and Petersburgh, he if he had not felt, after what had passed meant no disrespect to those courts; neiin that House, and in another place, that ther did he object, whilst governing their he was supported by the universal voice own territories, to their acting that part of the people of this country. With which became great powers, and which that conviction on his mind, he should they had occasionally done to advantage. have thought it an omission of duty, if Because the principles on which such he had not endeavoured to give to the ge- governments were formed, were such as neral feeling the most effectual expression. he could not approve, he did not wish to He was the more inclined to do this, when interfere with their internal administrahe perceived by the latest accounts from tion, for he well new that the nature of the head quarters of the allies, that a human affairs required the existence of difmost extraordinary delusion still prevailed ferent governments. He well knew in the amongst them as to the real sentiments commencement of the French revolution, of the British government. Notwithstand when one of the wild dreams of those ing the circular written by the secretary men misnamed philosophers, proposed to for Foreign affairs, and the explanations to reduce all governments to something given to the continental powers, it appear- like one uniform system, that such an ated from the contents of the declaration tempt must fail. Whether it tended to lately arrived, and of the authenticity of make all nations equally free or equally which no doubt could be entertained, slaves, to establish anarchy or despotism, failure, he was convinced must attend, / arbitrary government. The particular sect and he fervently hoped, would attend alluded to was not of recent origin. Its such an attempt. As on the former occa- existence, under the name of the Carbosion, a sort of republican purity was set nari, might be traced in Italy up to the up for a pattern, so now the standard time of the emperor Leopold. The Carwas a certain monarchical principle into bonari received the particular protection of which were admitted only a very few grains those who looked for their assistance in of the alloy of liberty. This monarchical emancipating Italy from the power of principal was that which he had with sur- France. Their encouragement was then prise and astonishment seen laid down in considered a most effectual means of gain. the document to which he had already ing that object; and yet the share this alluded. It was stated, that the measures sect had had in the late revolution of undertaken, and the views disclosed by Naples was put forward by Austria as a the allied powers, were in conformity ground of condemnation notwithstanding with the principles of the British govern- that power had formerly sought the supment. Though particular relations and port of the Carbonari. But the Carbomotives were stated to prevent our taking nari were not only called a political sect, part in the resolutions of the other allied but were accused of working in the dark. courts, yet it was asserted that this go. This charge was very extraordinary when vernment had the same views, and that, it was considered that the accused sect as far as principles went, this government was stated to be existing in a country in was perfectly agreed with the other pow. which the public manifestation of its ers. These principles had been disclosed wishes could not fail to draw down upon at Troppau, and afterwards at Laybach. it all the vengeance of the government. It was then full time for their lordships Did the persons who defended the conduct to consider what they really were; and he of Austria mean to say that the Carbofound them most distinctly explained nari ought to have posted up on the in that state paper which had ' lately church-doors a notice, stating, that on appeared under the title of the declaration such a day they were to begin the revoluof the allied powers against Naples. Hetion, and giving warning, as in legal matsaw in that declaration a complete exposé, ters, for the other parties, the courts of of the false and wicked grounds on which Austria, Berlin, and Petersburgh, to the allied powers pretended to justify come and oppose them? Was it not obtheir attack on an independent kingdom. vious that any change of an arbitrary It was stated, that there existed a sect in government could only be effected by Naples dangerous to the repose of Italy; that sort of art which seemed to be in and the existence of this sect was made the eyes of the allied powers, the whole a foundation for the proceedings adopted corpus delicti of which they complained. against the new government. What was the declaration proceeds to describe said about this sect might be as truly as the late government of Naples as full of he believed it to be falsely stated; still, paternal kindness, and infers that that the allied powers were not entitled to amiable character, and the endeavours to draw from that circumstance any reason introduce into all branches of the adminisfor attacking Naples. He was willing to tration essential improvements, had had admit that in a free country the cxistence the effect of putting a stop for a time to of a secret political sect might be attend the designs of the Carbonari. The reason, ed with mischievous consequence: but however, why all the efforts of the Carbowith its existence or non-existence foreign nari in concert with the people were ungovernments had nothing to do. Was he successful was, not that stated in the decalled on to condemn the existence of claration, but the presence of the Austrian such a sect in a country in which men army. It was neither the improvement might by necessity be driven to take re- nor the deterioration of the branches of fuge under secrecy and disguise? That administration that suspended the efforts the sect described was to be found in of the Carbonari. There was one branch Naples, was a circumstance far from of administration, the improvement of constituting the right or the necessity of which he knew, from good authority, interference. But without the existence to have been neglected. There had been of something like a sect, certainly no no remission of taxes. There was beimprovement could have been made in sides, in that country no enjoyment of the government of Naples, or any other personal security, no protection for proVOL. IV.
perty. He could speak with the most family as the sovereign of Naples, would perfect confidence on this subject. One be followed ? And here be it recollected, instance he would state to their lordships. that the British constitution, which it was About four or five years ago there was said some of the allies wished to be prea scarcity amounting almost to famine in ferred to that of Spain, was one which Naples, and at that time one of the minis- the king of Naples had some years before ters held a share in a monopoly of corn. rejected, after it had been, under the ausAt that time a British general officer pices of this country, established in anowas applied to, on the part of an individu- ther part of his dominions. There was al, to use his interest to procure his another circumstance which ought not to release from prison. The officer found be forgotten. Their lordships might rehim confined in a dungeon half full of member that lord W. Bentinck had, in water. The unfortunate stated 1814, addressed proclamations to all that he was not conscious of having com- Italy, in which he called upon the people mitted any crime, and that he was not to rise and assert their rights. These informed of any cliarge having been made proclamations, issued on the part of the against him. The only thing he could British government, were signed by lord recollect was, that he had some conversa. W. Bentinck, and certainly no name was tion about the disposal of corn, and calculated to give them better authority that the transaction had reference to and effect. The conclusion of the prothe concerns of the minister, for he had clamation ran thus- Warriors of Italy, a share in the monopoly. The British you are only asked to come forward to officer went immediately to the minister, assert your own rights and liberties. but he denied any knowledge of the im- When you shall have joined our forces, prisonment. The officer returned to the then Italy may become what in her prison, where the gaoler told him that best time she was, and what Spain is the man was confined by the express now." Here was a direct recommendaorder of the minister. He then went tion to follow the example of Spain.
In again to the minister, to whom he could the same proclamation it was observed not on this second occasion obtain access; that Portugal, Spain, Sicily, and Holland, but he was told by the secretary, that could attest the liberality of Great Brithe imprisonment of the man had been tain. It was farther stated, “ that Spain ordered because it was understood that had succeeded in her great undertaking ;" the minister might wish to speak to him. meaning that very constitution which The prisoner was finally set at liberty, Spain had framed, which Naples had been and owed his release to the interference desired to imitate, and was of this English general officer, whose demned for adopting. It might be said, name he could mention were it neces- that this was only done to rouse Italy: sary. Was this a state of things which and he had heard of something being did not require a change? Or was it said somewhere of the absurdity of contione which foreign powers were entit-nuing for ever married to a promise. A led to describe as the result of the breach of promise would not, however, be care of a paternal government? But vindicated; and with regard to Austria, the declaration stated that the new the world would not forget, that the proconstitution had been imposed on the clamation of lord W. Bentinck was issued king. Now the king appeared to have at a time when Austria was co-operating given it bis voluntary consent, and no with the British forces in Italy. Austria, effort had been made to compel him. who now thought the Spanish constitution But then it was objected to, because it so unsafe, was in fact a party to this prowas the Spanish constitution. He was clamation; though not a principal, she not going to undertake the defence of was an acceding party. The principle of the Spanish constitution ; but that there the proclamation was, besides, in perfect was any thing extraordinary, connected conformity with that of the treaty which as Naples was with Spain, in the pre-Austria in the month of March preceding ference given to the Spanish constitution, had, in concert with the British governhe must deny. Being under the neces- ment and the other powers, signed at sity of adopting some new plan of go- Chaumont, and which it was declared vernment, was it not likely that the exam- that the whole object of the allied powers ple or persons professing the same religion, was to support. Support what? Not and living under a mooarch of the same the rights of sovereigns, but the liberties
of nations. The noble lords opposite there must be a wig and gown. Crambo cheer at this, but where do they now hear cannot allow that, nor can' he reconcile any thing of liberty or the rights of the with his idea of a lord mayor, any thing people, either in proclamations or trea- which shall have eyes, hands, mouth, or ties? No, the word liberty is carefully legs. Just so it was with Austria, in the excluded from the vocabulary of the abstract idea set up by that government allies. But it was these proclamations of what did and what did not justify an and promises which called for the exer- independent state in changing its governtions of the people of the continent; and ment. It admitted fully the right to the allies sitting at Troppau had no right make the change, but then it must not be now to condemn that freedom which they made by a sect, it must not be made by had at Chaumont pledged themselves to an army, it must not be made by private support. The reasons assigned for these meetings, it must not be made while a distressing contentions might indeed be party in the state opposes that change. summed up as follows:-Although the If it be done without any of these means, Austrian government fully respects the then, said Austria, it amounts to my abindependent rights of nations, with which stract idea of a justified revolution. What they do not in any respect wish to inter- then, he would ask, are the means by fere, yet still they hold that the recent which the confederate sovereigns declare conduct of Naples now justifies their in- they can tolerate a revolution or terference. That is, in other words, that change? Can such a change be only tothere are certain circumstances which in lerated when done by the will of a motheir eyes do justify an interference with narch? Shall that royal will alone conthe rights of other nations; and that stitute a legal change? Sucli appears to these circumstances are—whenever sects be the opinion of Austria. Now? what in a state shall privately assist in promot- are the changes which these sovereigns ing a revolution, or a change in the go- will allow the king of an independent vernment; whenever an army shall assist state to make? When Ferdinand overin such a revolution or a change ; when- turned a constitution to which he was a ever private meetings shall be held to as- party, Austria did not interfere. What, sist in such a work; and where there was then, is to be the colour or complexion a party in the country so revolutionized, of the change which these potentates which was hostile to that revolution, and mean to acknowledge ? Will they siwhere the tranquillity and silence with lently see a state replaced in slavery and which the change in the government was thraldom, if such be the will of a moeffected, show the existence of that party. narch ; and are the subjects of an inde- These then, were the reasons which pendent state to be for ever debarred Austrin had set up to justify her aggres- from political regeneration-unless it be sion upon the existing government of the will of a sovereign that they shall Naples. It was true, indeed, that they be free ?-He came now to the second were preceded by an avowal of not intern part of his consideration, which was the fering with the independent rights of na- effect that must attend these proceedtions, implying that a revolution in an in- ings, either in the failure or the success dependent state might be permitted where of Austria. If she fail in her attempt these disqualifying reasons did not exist. upon the present government of Naples, Really, this abstract proposition of the the principles of liberty upon which the disqualifications which were to restrict Neapolitans have lately acted will acthe rights of independent states, was like quire additional force : in that event, if the abstract idea which had been, to ridi- Naples have the power she might exercule false philosophy, set up as exempli
. cise the right of retaliation. If, however, fying corporeal agency. It strongly re- that contingency should arise which he minded him of the famous dialogue be- anticipated, and Austria should succeed tween Martinus Scriblerus and his fellow in her attack, by what means was the pupil Crambo, in their exercises in the Austrian authority at Naples to be mainstudy of logic. The discussion was tained? Whether the Neapolitans ultiabout an abstract idea of a lord mayor. mately accede to the terms held out by Martinus sets out with saying that many | Austria, or, resisting them, still continue things are necessary to make up the ab-a sullen opposition when overpowered stract idea of a lord mayor, but that, ac- by open force at the onset, in either event cording to his idea of such a personage, Austria must fortify her authority by the