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slightingly. No specific measure had follow- | ed he would admit, upon their valuable reports, owing to certain obstacles which had been laid, in due course, before the government. To remove those obstacles, he had prepared a bill, which he intended to bring before parliament.

Sir H. Parnell, though in general an enemy to aids of the nature which this subject was likely to call for, from the liberality of governinent, thought that it was one which might justify such a grant.

who had not made a return had no schools and according to that presumption, there were 576 clergymen who had neglected to do that which, by the oath they had taken, they were bound to do. This return was made in 1810, and he sincerely hoped that the clergymen could now make a more satisfactory return. The 12th of Elizabeth contained the enactments of Henry 8th, in favour of education, and would it now be denied in opposition to what was commonly called, the "wisdom of our ancestors," that education led to truth, and truth to virtue and happi

Mr. Spring Rice hoped it was not necessary to offer any arguments at the pre-ness. sent day to shew that the advantages to be derived from the principles of general education more than counterbalanced the disadvantages. Should any one, however, doubt it, it would be satisfactory to its advocates to find, on reference to the Statute books, that our forefathers had recognised the principle. By a statute of Henry 8th it was enacted, that parochial schools should be established in Ireland for the instruction of the Irish youth generally. The preamble of that act set forth the necessity of such establishments, as calculated to bring a barbarous people into a coincidence of language and manners with a people who were civilized. He did not quarrel with the terms of the act, but he greatly regretted that its spirit and its enactments were not more strictly observed. By that act it was enjoined, that every clergyman who possessed a benefice in Ireland, should teach or cause to be taught, a school in this parish, and that the youth of the place should be instructed in the English language. For an omission of this duty, the act imposed a fine for the first offence; a large fine for the second; and for the third, the loss of his benefice. It was also enacted that every clergyman on his appointment to a benefice should take an oath to the following effect:-"I swear that I will teach, or cause to be taught, the English language, in a school in my parish." Now, he was sorry to find, that, notwithstanding the strictness of the act and the solemn pledge of an oath, which every clergyman was obliged to take at this day, so little attention seemed to be paid to this subject. There were 1,125 benefices in Ireland, out of which 736 only, had made returns to the orders of the committee in 1810, and of which 549 only had scholars in conformity with the regulations of the statute. Now, it was a fair presumption that those

He considered the subject of edu cation to be of the utmost importance to Ireland; and he trusted under the conciliatory auspices of the right hon. gentleman, some comprehensive system of moral instruction for the poor of Ireland, would be brought into action. At no one time could it be more effectual in its application than at the present, when the mild and conciliatory administration of the right hon. gentleman had produced so favourable an impression in that country. It had been said (and he had heard the statement with regret, because he thought it very lightly made) that the Catholics in Ireland, and particularly the Catholic clergy were opposed to general education. As a friend to the Roman Catholics he denied this. They were opposed to it where it was connected, or where they suspected it to be connected, with a spirit of proselytism. Where that spirit did not dictate the system of education, no persons could be more favourable to it than the Roman Catholics. When they found that this spirit of proselytism was sought to be made the ground on which the blessings of education were to be bestowed, they were naturally opposed to it. When the established clergy were advised, under the sanction of an individual who had recently been advanced to the highest dignities in the church, that they were to teach the people, not only to believe in the religion of Christ, but they must also accept it as received and understood by the Church of England, was it to be wondered that the jealousy of the Catholics should be awakened? When they found their religion stigmatised in a late charge of the right reverend prelate, to whom he alluded as "a doctrine subversive of a christian ministry, annulling the value of a Redeemer's sacrifice, and disenthroning the Son of God," was it very surprising that they should feel some alarm, as well as

some indignation?-These opinions of the right reverend prelate (the bishop of KilJalloe) had, he was convinced, proceeded merely from a want of knowledge of the country to which he was sent. These opinions formed a striking contrast with the declared judgment of the board of education, in which those dignified characters, the primate of Ireland, the archbishop of Cashel, and the bishops of Killalla and Limerick had united. Those prelates in their 14th report had expressed their "unanimous opinion, that no new places for the education of the lower orders in Ireland, however wisely and unexceptionably contrived in other respects, could be successful unless it should be explicitly avowed, and clearly understood, that no attempt should be made to disturb peculiar religious tenets of any sect or denomination of Christians."

Mr. W. Courtenay bore testimony to the disposition of the Catholics to support schools which were conducted on a liberal system.

The motion was agreed to.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

that up to the moment in February when
it had been issued, the most extraordinary
delusion existed, and was announced to
the people of the continent, respecting
the sentiments with which the proceedings
against Naples were viewed by his majes-
ty's government. It was his object, there-
fore, to place the opinion of the govern-
ment and of the House beyond all possi-
bility of doubt. In doing so he should
avoid as much as possible recurring to
the past conduct, or rather omission, of
his majesty's ministers. He wished to
take no advantage of that; much as
he lamented that so many months should
have elapsed without their finding it possi-
ble to make foreign ministers understand
their motives-much as he was surprised
that the secretary for Foreign affairs,
who was personally acquainted with those
ministers, should also have been un-
able to make them comprehend the
views of this country, but should on
the contrary have led them into a total
misapprehension of them. The only use
which he wished to make of that circum-
stance was, to impress upon their lordships
the paramount duty which they owed to
themselves and to their country, of
making known and publicly embodying
their sentiments. He should first consi-
der what were the principles which the
Allied Powers had proclaimed on the pre-
sent occasion, and on which they had
founded their proceedings; and, in the
next place, what consequences were likely
to result from their acting upon those
principles. On the outset he must also
state, that in speaking of the courts of
Vienna, Berlin, and Petersburgh, he
meant no disrespect to those courts; nei-
ther did he object, whilst governing their
own territories, to their acting that part
which became great powers, and which
they had occasionally done to advantage.
Because the principles on which such
governments were formed, were such as
he could not approve, he did not wish to
interfere with their internal administra-
tion, for he well new that the nature of
human affairs required the existence of dif-
ferent governments. He well knew in the
commencement of the French revolution,
when one of the wild dreams of those
men misnamed philosophers, proposed to

Friday, March 2, NAPLES-CONDUCT OF THE ALLIED POWERS.] The Marquis of Lansdown rose, pursuant to his notice, to call the attention of their lordships to the transactions which had been, and which he feared, were still carrying on in the South of Italy. However strong his personal opinion on the subject he hardly knew whether he should have had the courage to introduce a subject of such importance, if he had not felt, after what had passed in that House, and in another place, that he was supported by the universal voice of the people of this country. With that conviction on his mind, he should have thought it an omission of duty, if he had not endeavoured to give to the general feeling the most effectual expression. He was the more inclined to do this, when he perceived by the latest accounts from the head quarters of the allies, that a most extraordinary delusion still prevailed amongst them as to the real sentiments of the British government. Notwithstanding the circular written by the secretary for Foreign affairs, and the explanations to reduce all governments to something given to the continental powers, it appeared from the contents of the declaration lately arrived, and of the authenticity of which no doubt could be entertained,

like one uniform system, that such an attempt must fail. Whether it tended to make all nations equally free or equally slaves, to establish anarchy or despotism,

ers.

failure, he was convinced must attend, | arbitrary government. The particular sect and he fervently hoped, would attend alluded to was not of recent origin. Its such an attempt. As on the former occa- existence, under the name of the Carbosion, a sort of republican purity was set nari, might be traced in Italy up to the up for a pattern, so now the standard time of the emperor Leopold. The Carwas a certain monarchical principle into bonari received the particular protection of which were admitted only a very few grains those who looked for their assistance in of the alloy of liberty. This monarchical emancipating Italy from the power of principal was that which he had with sur- France. Their encouragement was then prise and astonishment seen laid down in considered a most effectual means of gainthe document to which he had already ing that object; and yet the share this alluded. It was stated, that the measures sect had had in the late revolution of undertaken, and the views disclosed by Naples was put forward by Austria as a the allied powers, were in conformity ground of condemnation notwithstanding with the principles of the British govern- that power had formerly sought the supment. Though particular relations and port of the Carbonari. But the Carbomotives were stated to prevent our taking nari were not only called a political sect, part in the resolutions of the other allied but were accused of working in the dark. courts, yet it was asserted that this go- This charge was very extraordinary when vernment had the same views, and that, it was considered that the accused sect as far as principles went, this government was stated to be existing in a country in was perfectly agreed with the other pow- which the public manifestation of its These principles had been disclosed wishes could not fail to draw down upon at Troppau, and afterwards at Laybach. it all the vengeance of the government. It was then full time for their lordships Did the persons who defended the conduct to consider what they really were; and he of Austria mean to say that the Carbofound them most distinctly explained nari ought to have posted up on the in that state paper which had lately church-doors a notice, stating, that on appeared under the title of the declaration such a day they were to begin the revoluof the allied powers against Naples. He tion, and giving warning, as in legal matsaw in that declaration a complete exposé, ters, for the other parties, the courts of of the false and wicked grounds on which Austria, Berlin, and Petersburgh, to the allied powers pretended to justify come and oppose them? Was it not obtheir attack on an independent kingdom. vious that any change of an arbitrary It was stated, that there existed a sect in government could only be effected by Naples dangerous to the repose of Italy; that sort of art which seemed to be in and the existence of this sect was made the eyes of the allied powers, the whole a foundation for the proceedings adopted corpus delicti of which they complained. against the new government. What was The declaration proceeds to describe said about this sect might be as truly as the late government of Naples as full of he believed it to be falsely stated; still, paternal kindness, and infers that that the allied powers were not entitled to amiable character, and the endeavours to draw from that circumstance any reason introduce into all branches of the adminisfor attacking Naples. He was willing to tration essential improvements, had had admit that in a free country the existence the effect of putting a stop for a time to of a secret political sect might be attend- the designs of the Carbonari. The reason, ed with mischievous consequence: but however, why all the efforts of the Carbowith its existence or non-existence foreign nari in concert with the people were ungovernments had nothing to do. Was he successful was, not that stated in the decalled on to condemn the existence of claration, but the presence of the Austrian such a sect in a country in which men army. It was neither the improvement might by necessity be driven to take re- nor the deterioration of the branches of fuge under secrecy and disguise? That administration that suspended the efforts the sect described was to be found in of the Carbonari. There was one branch Naples, was a circumstance far from of administration, the improvement of constituting the right or the necessity of which he knew, from good authority, interference. But without the existence to have been neglected. There had been of something like a sect, certainly no no remission of taxes. There was beimprovement could have been made in sides, in that country no enjoyment of the government of Naples, or any other personal security, no protection for proVOL. IV.

3 X

perty. He could speak with the most family as the sovereign of Naples, would perfect confidence on this subject. One be followed? And here be it recollected, instance he would state to their lordships. that the British constitution, which it was About four or five years ago there was said some of the allies wished to be prea scarcity amounting almost to famine in ferred to that of Spain, was one which Naples, and at that time one of the minis- the king of Naples had some years before ters held a share in a monopoly of corn. rejected, after it had been, under the ausAt that time a British general officer pices of this country, established in anowas applied to, on the part of an individu- ther part of his dominions. There was al, to use his interest to procure his another circumstance which ought not to release from prison. The officer found be forgotten. Their lordships might rehim confined in a dungeon half full of member that lord W. Bentinck had, in water. The unfortunate man stated 1814, addressed proclamations to all that he was not conscious of having com- Italy, in which he called upon the people mitted any crime, and that he was not to rise and assert their rights. These informed of any charge having been made proclamations, issued on the part of the against him. The only thing he could British government, were signed by lord recollect was, that he had some conversa- W. Bentinck, and certainly no name was tion about the disposal of corn, and calculated to give them better authority that the transaction had reference to and effect. The conclusion of the prothe concerns of the minister, for he had clamation ran thus" Warriors of Italy, a share in the monopoly. The British you are only asked to come forward to officer went immediately to the minister, assert your own rights and liberties. but he denied any knowledge of the im- When you shall have joined our forces, prisonment. The officer returned to the then Italy may become what in her prison, where the gaoler told him that best time she was, and what Spain is the man was confined by the express now." Here was a direct recommendaorder of the minister. He then went tion to follow the example of Spain. In again to the minister, to whom he could the same proclamation it was observed not on this second occasion obtain access; that Portugal, Spain, Sicily, and Holland, but he was told by the secretary, that could attest the liberality of Great Brithe imprisonment of the man had been tain. It was farther stated, "that Spain ordered because it was understood that had succeeded in her great undertaking;" the minister might wish to speak to him. meaning that very constitution which The prisoner was finally set at liberty, Spain had framed, which Naples had been and owed his release to the interference desired to imitate, and was now conof this English general officer, whose demned for adopting. It might be said, name he could mention were it neces- that this was only done to rouse Italy; sary. Was this a state of things which and he had heard of something being did not require a change? Or was it said somewhere of the absurdity of contione which foreign powers were entit-nuing for ever married to a promise. led to describe as the result of the care of a paternal government? But the declaration stated that the new constitution had been imposed on the king. Now the king appeared to have given it his voluntary consent, and no effort had been made to compel him. But then it was objected to, because it was the Spanish constitution. He was not going to undertake the defence of the Spanish constitution; but that there was any thing extraordinary, connected as Naples was with Spain, in the preference given to the Spanish constitution, he must deny. Being under the necessity of adopting some new plan of government, was it not likely that the example of persons professing the same religion, and living under a monarch of the same

A

breach of promise would not, however, be vindicated; and with regard to Austria, the world would not forget, that the proclamation of lord W. Bentinck was issued at a time when Austria was co-operating with the British forces in Italy. Austria, who now thought the Spanish constitution so unsafe, was in fact a party to this proclamation; though not a principal, she was an acceding party. The principle of the proclamation was, besides, in perfect conformity with that of the treaty which Austria in the month of March preceding had, in concert with the British government and the other powers, signed at Chaumont, and which it was declared that the whole object of the allied powers was to support. Support what? Not the rights of sovereigns, but the liberties

of nations. The noble lords opposite | there must be a wig and gown. Crambo cheer at this, but where do they now hear cannot allow that, nor can he reconcile any thing of liberty or the rights of the with his idea of a lord mayor, any thing people, either in proclamations or trea- which shall have eyes, hands, mouth, or ties? No, the word liberty is carefully legs. Just so it was with Austria, in the excluded from the vocabulary of the abstract idea set up by that government allies. But it was these proclamations of what did and what did not justify an and promises which called for the exer- independent state in changing its governtions of the people of the continent; and ment. It admitted fully the right to the allies sitting at Troppau had no right make the change, but then it must not be now to condemn that freedom which they made by a sect, it must not be made by had at Chaumont pledged themselves to an army, it must not be made by private support. The reasons assigned for these meetings, it must not be made while a distressing contentions might indeed be party in the state opposes that change. summed up as follows:-Although the If it be done without any of these means, Austrian government fully respects the then, said Austria, it amounts to my abindependent rights of nations, with which stract idea of a justified revolution. What they do not in any respect wish to inter- then, he would ask, are the means by fere, yet still they hold that the recent which the confederate sovereigns declare conduct of Naples now justifies their in- they can tolerate a revolution or a terference. That is, in other words, that change? Can such a change be only tothere are certain circumstances which in lerated when done by the will of a motheir eyes do justify an interference with narch? Shall that royal will alone conthe rights of other nations; and that stitute a legal change? Such appears to these circumstances are-whenever sects be the opinion of Austria. Now? what in a state shall privately assist in promot- are the changes which these sovereigns ing a revolution, or a change in the go- will allow the king of an independent vernment; whenever an army shall assist state to make? When Ferdinand overin such a revolution or a change; when- turned a constitution to which he was a ever private meetings shall be held to as- party, Austria did not interfere. What, sist in such a work; and where there was then, is to be the colour or complexion a party in the country so revolutionized, of the change which these potentates which was hostile to that revolution, and mean to acknowledge? where the tranquillity and silence with lently see a state replaced in slavery and which the change in the government was thraldom, if such be the will of a moeffected, show the existence of that party. narch; and are the subjects of an inde-These then, were the reasons which pendent state to be for ever debarred Austrin had set up to justify her aggres- from political regeneration-unless it be sion upon the existing government of the will of a sovereign that they shall Naples. It was true, indeed, that they be free?-He came now to the second were preceded by an avowal of not inter- part of his consideration, which was the fering with the independent rights of na-effect that must attend these proceedtions, implying that a revolution in an independent state might be permitted where these disqualifying reasons did not exist. Really, this abstract proposition of the disqualifications which were to restrict the rights of independent states, was like the abstract idea which had been, to ridicule false philosophy, set up as exempli fying corporeal agency. It strongly reminded him of the famous dialogue between Martinus Scriblerus and his fellow pupil Crambo, in their exercises in the study of logic. The discussion was about an abstract idea of a lord mayor. Martinus sets out with saying that many things are necessary to make up the abstract idea of a lord mayor, but that, according to his idea of such a personage,

Will they si

ings, either in the failure or the success of Austria. If she fail in her attempt upon the present government of Naples, the principles of liberty upon which the Neapolitans have lately acted will acquire additional force: in that event, if Naples have the power she might exercise the right of retaliation. If, however, that contingency should arise which he anticipated, and Austria should succeed in her attack, by what means was the Austrian authority at Naples to be maintained? Whether the Neapolitans ultimately accede to the terms held out by Austria, or, resisting them, still continue a sullen opposition when overpowered by open force at the onset, in either event Austria must fortify her authority by the

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