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main in Sweden so long only as he con- of worship is authorised by law, and it is forms to the decree of toleration, under allowed only as a matter of special favour all its restrictions. In civil matters, all to foreign ministers. The power of the persons, natives or foreigners, professing pope is absolutely unknown, and though the Roman Catholic religion are strictly there is no express law to prohibit Caa prohibited from holding any of the higher tholics from filling any office of the state, or lower offices of the state, they cannot yet the spirit of the law is inferred from become members of the Diet, but by the there being no instance of the employsame beneficent policy which prevails in ment of a Catholic in the high civil dethis country, they have a voice in the partments. In Prussia they are treated election of the members of the Diet, with greater indulgence, as they labour though they have not the right of admis- under no exclusion from office; but in sion.By a decree of the states of Hol- ecclesiastical matters the authority of the land and West Friesland, it is enacted, king is supreme, and no communication that no priest shall exercise the Roman between bishops ur individuals and the Catholic worship, unless by a written con- court of Rome can take place lawfully, sent of toleration from the states that in except through the medium of the all the different dependencies the priests Prussian government. In Saxony the shall abjure the authority of the pope in Catholics laboured under greater restricthe most ample maoner--and also the tions than prevailed in any other country, power of dispensation, of absolution; and until the conquest of the country by shall even preach the pre-eminence of the Napoleon, who restored them to an states. Al bulls, mandates, &c. from the equality of rights, but these privileges see of Rome must be submitted to the were gained by the power of the sword, council of the towns before publication: and not with the concurrence of the nano new churches can be built without the tion.—Now, from this hasty sketch of the consent of the burgomasters; and even regulations affecting Catholics in Proteswith that consent they are not allowed to tant couptries, two things are apparentbear any resemblance to those of the that in those countries possessing a constiestablished church. By the same decree, tution in which the elements of liberty are all Roman Catholics are excluded from to be found, in something like a represenbeing officers of justice, secretaries, and lative system, the exclusion of the Catholic police officers. By an act of the senate from civil office, and the restriction under of Hamburgh, the free exercise of the which he exercises his religion, prevail Roman Catholic religion is allowed; but with the greatest rigour. In Holland, it is allowed only in private buildings, Hamburgh, and Sweden, the Catholic is without steeples or bells, or bearing any looked upon with the most jealous eye. of the outward signs of a public church: What inference is to be drawn from this all public processions are prohibited, and universal exclusion of the Catholic in the the senate assumes to itself the most com- free Protestant states of Europe ? Is plete cootrol over the regulation of all caprice or prejudice the cause of their ecclesiastical matters. These conces- exclusion ?-Certainly not: for they are sions are thought quite sufficient, and the uncertain and fluctuating in their nature, Catholics are expressly forbidden to look and cannot be assigned as a motive for for civil employments in the state, or even general policy. Is tyranny? No: for to express dissatisfaction at their exclu- it is incompatible with the free forms of sion, under a threat of the immediate re- government in those countries. No ravocation of the indulgence of the state.- tional inference can be drawn, except In the more despotic nations of the con- that wisdom has dictated and experience tinent, professing the Protestant religion, has proved that the principles of the Cathe exclusion under which the Catholic tholic faith are hostile" to the general labours, though not so severe as in those principles of liberty. Another circumstates which have been mentioned, is, stance worthy of note is, that no Protesthowever, very comprehensive, and suffi- ant nation under a despotic government ciently manifests the suspicion with which ever allows the exercise of the Roman they are tolerated. In Denmark, they Catholic religion without some restriction. are treated perhaps with more rigour than if this is to be found in despotic governo in any other country; for the exercise of ments where the king can banish or imtheir religion depends upon the arbitrary prison, for any attempt which he may will of the king alone. "No public place think subversive of the law or religion, how much more careful ought a mixed | disability ? In election matters there and limited government to be, where no would be the same source of discord : such summary power exists, in admitting nine-tenths of the land of Ireland belong those persons into power, who live under to Protestant proprietors, and a great no government without suspicion, and un- part is occupied with Catholic tenants. der very few without total exclusion- In the event of a contest between a Proand what is there in England alone of all testant and a Catholic, the former would the Protestant nations of Europe, to rely on his property and his influence as make her regardless of dangers against a landed man; the latter on his religion which every other nation is anxious to and the intrigues of the priest. If the provide ? if he was justified in conclud- former succeeded, the tenant would be ing that concession could not be claimed exposed to religious excommunication; if as a matter of right, he would ask, is it the Catholic succeeded, the tenantry politic to repeal these laws? He had not would be arrayed against the landlord witnessed any thing on the part of the Were there no seeds of mischief in such a Catholics themselves to induce him to conflict? Greater evil would flow from turn a deaf ear to the dictates of wisdom such perpetual struggles than from the and experience: he would not follow present restrictive laws. If the law enatheory and speculation in preference to bled a Catholic to be sheriff, his first act practice. It was said that it would be an would be to name twenty-three Catholic instrument of peace: he was sure it would land-owners, if indeed such a number be a cause of dissatisfaction. It was true could be found in any county, as the the majority of the Irish nation was Ca- fittest persons to be grand jurors: the next tholic; but a very small number of that year the Protestant would retaliate, and majority would be at all affected by com- hence would arise an endless conflict. plete emancipation. It was true also that were there no sources of discord to be the superiority of wealth, power, industry, found in the regulation of ecclesiastical and property, was on the Protestant side, affairs, upon the supposition that a bill and that every man would be alarmed. had passed for the relief of the Catholics ? If prejudices exist, they are not likely to Conceive the principles by which the be removed by giving up to numerical pastors of the respective churches would majority alone all the privileges upon be actuated ? Conceive the pure and inwhich the preponderating party in wealth dependent doctrines of our church, and and property have founded their security. the bigotted and servile tenets of the CaIf the Catholic is emancipated the Pro. tholic worship? Conceive the character testant will be alarmed, and we shall of its ministers -ours endued with a weaken Protestantloyalty without securing lofty idea of their own independence, and Catholic allegiance.-Can any man sup- highly gifted with all the learning which pose that the inhabitants of the same the ancient and celebrated institutions of country, divided so immensely in their this country afford-theirs wringing a religious sentiments, will not come into scanty subsistence from an impoverished frequent collision ? Suppose Catholic and unwilling peasantry, drawing their emancipation to be granted, are friend education, as well as their principles, ship and union to follow immediately? from the institutions of a foreign country: Are there no causes of dissension in the -our church flourishing in wealth and institutions founded upon a Protestant splendour, theirs existing in poverty and establishment, which have grown up with distress : our ecclesiastical establishments centuries? Would Catholics acquiesce the richest in Europe, compared with in their existence, if they were compli- the number of persons for whom they are mented with the privilege of becoming provided : theirs, the poorest for the judges, sheriffs, and members of parlia- multitudes which are attached to them. ment? In Ireland the corporations of all Conceive this state of things, and can any the principal towns are universally Pro- man say that peace will be the fruit of testant; they can admit or refuse whom the comparison? Is it in human nature they like. Would Catholic emancipation to suppose that the Catholic body will make the admission of a Catholic into the continue to pay with patience for the corporations more probable than it is at maintenance of a double establishment, to this moment, and would not his defeat one of which they are attached—to the founded upon the prejudice of the Pro- other mortally hostile? Is it not natural testant be more galling than his present for them to look back to the times when their church possessed all that wealth of | upon a view of the question which was which ours has despoiled them? Is it not before the House, and had answered not reasonable for them to say, “ restore propositions which had not been adthe patrimony of our church, as you bave vanced. He had argued as if it had been restored the establishment of our religion" proposed to repeal all the disabilities —and will not they find many advocates under which the Catholics laboured, at to support the claims which the majority once, without examination or deliberaof the nation make for an ecclesiastical tion; whereas, it merely pledged the establishment, which, contrary to all ge- House to inquire into them in a commitneral principle, is now kept up for the tee. He owned he was surprised to hear minority? Can such a system continue his right hon. friend draw a parallel bein harmony, if the aggrieved and more tween the repeal of the Catholic disabili. numerous party have the power and in- ties and the abolition of the Test and Core clination to attempt its destruction ? - poration acts, and argue, that because With this view of the case, it cannot the latter could change the former, it be said that Catholic emancipation would ought not to be taken into consideration. heal the dissensions of Ireland : it would The prayer of the petitioners contained not remove the causes which have been nothing offensive or revolting : they asked described: they would remain untouched for inquiry; they besought the House and undiminished. And, with such a examine their case ; and, if their claims conviction on his mind, he could not should be shown to be founded in policy suffer such delusive arguments to remain and justice, to remove the disabilities uncontradicted, being convinced that Ca- under which they laboured. His right. tholic emancipation would not remove hon. friend answered “ True it is we feel for the causes of discord between the Pro- your situation ; true it is your case is a hard testants and Catholics.

one: but we cannot grant your request; Mr. Charles Grant said, he would now for if we do so we must repeal the Test and trouble the House with the few observa- Corporation acts !" The Catholics came tions which he had to make, because, boldly forward and said, that past causes from the advanced stage of the night, he of animosity ought to be forgotten; and might otherwise be precluded from deli- that, in their present disposition towards vering his sentiments on this important our establishments, there existed no question; the delivering of which, in the ground for alarm. To this his right hon. situation in which he stood with regard to friend answered—" True, they are for-, Ireland, he esteemed a solemn and im- gotten; but, in the revolutions of states, perative duty: He had listened with the at some future distant period, we may utmost attention and the greatest delight become afraid of you; and we will, there. to the eloquence with which the motion fore, persevere in the same treatment of had been introduced-an eloquence which, you as before, when you were really danwhile it called to the support of the gerous.” It was thus that we treated the policy which it recommended the names Catholics of Ireland. His hon. friend, of the illustrious statesmen and great ge- behind him (Mr. Dawson) had called niuses of former times, evinced the pos- upon him to follow him to Denmark, to session of a high portion of kindred | Sweden, and Holland, and see how the talent. He had, indeed, heard the speech | Catholics were there treated. He would of the right hon, and learned gentleman not obey the call of his hon. friend; he with wonder and admiration, esteeming it would not follow him to foreign counworthy of the cause which it defended tries; he would appeal to the British worthy of the principles which it advo- constitution, and call upon the House cated and worthy of the petitioners rather to set than to follow an example. whose claims it stated and enforced. He Motives of policy and justice, which afpresumed to think that their cause had fected the whole empire, pressed upon made some progress, not only from the parliament the consideration of the Cae powerful eloquence and convincing rea- tholic claims; but more particularly the soning of the right hon. and learned interests of Ireland required that so immover, but from the observations of his portant a part of the population should right hon, friend, who had spoken on the not be excluded from the benefit of the question as became the frankness and British constitution. The right hon. gen.. candour of his just and manly mind. His tleman here drew an eloquent contrast right hon. friend had, however, argued between the state of the inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland, and attributed admit, without inconsistency, a Catholic. some share of the difference of circum- But did the exclusion of the Catholics stances in the two countries to the ano- from the privileges they claimed produce malous disabilities under which most peace or any corresponding advantages ? classes of the sister kingdom laboured. No. If there was danger to our establishHe represented Ireland as subject to in- ments from the admission of the Cathoconsistencies and anomalies of all kinds— lics, there was greater danger from their suffering much local oppression and great exclusion. There were two lines of degeneral distress; having its higher classes markation on which the House might take excluded from privileges to which the its stand. First, it might have repealed lower were admitted; wanting that sym- the penal laws, and, after repealing them, pathy between the different orders of might have stood on the existing disabilisociety, and that interchange and com- ties, or might repeal both. But parliamunication of sentiment and feeling be- ment had not stood on either. It had tween the different ranks of life, which repealed all the penal statutes, and some constituted at once the glory and the se- of the disabilities, retaining others. It curity of England. In this country free was contended that, if the Catholics ob- . dom lived along the line which joined all tained the abolition of the existing disathe classes of the community, and our in. bilities, they would become formidable to stitutions were conductors of the general our establishments by becoming more feeling. Why was not Ireland in this powerfal. This, he contended, would state? Why was property there stripped not be the case. As individuals, those of its influence? Why was it divested who attained office or distinction would of the force of authority? What was become more powerful; but the body the result of all this? Local outrages would be less so, because less united. distrust of the laws in a people disposed Besides, a government ought not to to obedience-extending to all classes of found its security on the weakness of its the community-operating in the higher subjects, but on their confidence. There classes to a contempt of the law, and in was no part of the constitution which the lower to a transgression of it. He ought to depend on the powerlessness of did not attribute all this state of things to any portion of the subjects. It was imthe Catholic disabilities; but as little was possible to tell the countless and nameless he inclined to allow that these disabilities ties by which the constitution attracted had no part in it. The system formerly to itself the affections of subjects; and pursued with regard to Ireland had been therefore it was madness to persist in any to legislate contrary to the opinion of the measure, the inevitable tendency of which country. The calamities of the people was to alienate those affections. He imfollowed, step by step, the system of de- plored the House to consider that the gradation to which they were subjected; fate of Ireland was at stake-to look at and the relaxation of the oppressive laws the state of the population of that country had been as invariably followed by im--to reflect on its present misery-and provement and increasing order. It on what the parliament of Great Britain should not be forgotten, that while Wales had already done for that country under and Chester owed their liberties to the auspices of our late sovereign. Let Charles 2nd, Ireland owed her slavery to it no longer be said of Ireland, that, William 3rd. When he heard of the incon- having performed the duties which the sistencies that would be involved in grant- constitution exacted, she was still exclud. ing the Catholic claims, he could not buted from the privileges to which she had a contrast them with the inconsistencies of constitutional right. He called on the the present system, where Ireland might House to ratify this night the solemn have Catholic electors, but could not re- contract of the union, and to make that

a Catholic representative-- where great measure in reality what it was in Catholics might be magistrates, but not name. What did Mr. Pitt, who had sheriffs-barristers, but not king's count projected that measure, conceive to be its sel. There was nothing more inconsistent nature? What meaning did that great in a Protestant king having persons of the statesman attach to the following lines, Catholic religion in his council, than a which he had applied to the union of the king of the episcopal system having pres. two countries :byterian councillors ; and a parliament “ Non ego, nec Teucris Italos parere jubebo, that might be filled with dissenters could Nec mihi regna peto : paribus se legibus ambæ

Invictæ gentes æterna in fædera mittant.

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What, he asked, did Mr. Pitt understand | land to be an illegal association, inasmuch by the eternal laws of confederacy, which as they bound themselves to a condiwere in future to bind those nations, not tional allegiance, and to principles un. in the relations of conqueror and con- known to the great body of the public. quered, but in equality of laws? We The address in question had been brought professed to follow the policy of that en- over to this country by the lord mayor lightened statesman in our intercourse of Dublin, and had been presented to his and relations with foreign countries ; but majesty, surrounded and emblazoned with on this system of domestic policy we have those symbols of the association which not yet acted, nor will the maxims on were understood only by its own members. which that system was founded be reduced The lord mayor of Dublin, who had been to practice, until the inscription on his employed to carry over this address, was tomb shall record the liberation of Ire-| his majesty's stationer in Ireland, and, he land. Let them look to the recent im- understooil, had expected to receive the provements in Ireland. They would find honour of knighthood on presenting it. A that every opportunity had been seized of noble lord, remarkable for his suavity of educating all classes of society in that manners, and his powers of enlivening country. They would there see a generous even aldermen, had gone so far as to people making every effort, under every furnish the knight expectant with the disadvantage, for improving the situation, motto “ pro patria," which he conceived and enlightening the minds of the lower peculiarly appropriate to a stationer. classes of society. There were securities Having failed, however, to obtain the springing up where they were least ex- bonour which he had been led to expect, pected, as if sent by Providence to remove the lord mayor was condoled with by his à base and illiberal pretext.

friends, and an hon. alderman (sir w. • Mr. Luke White said, he merely rose Curtis) who was remarkable for his to make his acknowledgments to the right festive urbanity, had resolved “to cheer hon. secretary for Ireland, for his excel- him up" with a dinner. He should only lent and manly speech in behalf of his add his hope, that the presentation of suffering country.

party addresses would always be reproMr. Bankes proceeded, amidst very bated by tirat House, as it could never be general cries of question ! to oppose the desired that the sovereign of this kingdom motion, but was altogether inaudible. should become the sovereign of a party

Mr. Hart Davis said, that upon a or faction. question of such vital importance, he' - Sir G. Hill said, he had had the honour should consider it right to move an ad- of accompanying the lord mayor of Dub. journment, if any member was prevented lin. He should oppose the present from delivering his opinions.

motion, because former concessions to Mr. Bankes said, that he felt no in- the Catholics had failed to produce conclination to persevere against the sense of ciliation. the House.

Lord Castlereagh could not suffer the Mr. Maurice Fitzgerald rose merely to question to go to a vote, without troubling state a fact coonected with the present the House with a few observations. The question. The circumstance to which he present was a subject on which he had wished to draw the attention of the House frequently expressed his sentiments; but was, the insertion in the Gazette of an it was one which he never approached address, purporting to come from an without great pain, because it compelled association of Orange-men in Ireland. He him to differ from those friends with whom understood that from among the ad- he usually agreed on other political and dresses presented to his majesty, a national questions. Another circumstance selection was made for publication in the that gave him pain was, that from what Gazette by the minister whose duty it had passed he saw no great prospect of a was; and he was bound to say, in justice more favourable issue to the question at to ministers, that the individual who se- the present moment than had formerly lecied that address must have done so attended it; but still he conceived it to without the sanction of his colleagues, as it be his duty to express himself candidly was nothing less than an insult to the and without reserve. He had often sovereign. It was not perhaps generally wondered that the extent of the question known, that this class of individuals had now remaining for discussion had so much been pronounced by the judges of the importance attached to it. He could VOL. IV.

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