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of this fact." It is a fact which has who boasts that “his political career no existence save as an idol” (as is on a line with his conscientious Bacon calls such phantasms) in the convictions,” and who denounces all heated brain of Mr Bright. Even but himself and clique as fools and the statistics of Mr Horace Mann, knaves, has the audacity to promulappealed to by Mr Bright—which gate as truth that "in England only were publicly impugned at the time, one-third of the people have any and the unreliable character of which connection whatever with the Estabwas virtually admitted by the very blished Church !” Government under whose auspices When Mr Bright cannot or will they were issued — show that the not see the truth at home, in the ground occupied by the Church of little world of our own islands, it is England, as compared with all de- not to be expected that he should nominations of dissent, is not one- know better, or speak more guardthird, but one-half, --so that he can- edly and conscientiously, of things not even quote an authority, however abroad. The United States of worthless that authority may be, America are the idol which his without perpetrating a most gross Quaker heart worships and his and wilful exaggeration. But other tongue bepraises. And yet, at every data of a more reliable character turn of his fiery oratory, he shows than Mr Mann's are fortunately that he knows nothing whatever of within reach of everybody, by which the real condition of the American the falseness of Mr Bright's statement republic. In truth, it is this very is evidenced at once. In the matter of ignorance which is the source of his education, we find that, of the schools inspiration. If he knew_better, he built or enlarged by Privy Council would rhapsodise less. The United grants during the last nineteen years, States of his dreams is a very differ91 per cent belong to the Church ent country from what he would find of England ; of the scholars provided were he to cross the Atlantic. It is with accommodation, 87 per cent his “ Arcadia"—his “ Happy Valare Church scholars; and of the sums ley;" and he will be as slow to abancontributed to the erection of these don his dream as Johnson was when schools thus assisted by the Privy Bruce declared that Abyssinia was Council, 90 per cent is contributed not the least like the land of Rassefor Church schools. Thus, whether las. The great Doctor went to his as regards the lower classes, for whose grave believing Bruce a consummate benefit these schools are provided, or liar; and probably John Bright to the upper and middle classes, by whose his dying day will think the same of subscription the schools are erected, those who attempt to put him right the Church is ahead of all the other as to the “ model republic” of the religious bodies put together, in a West. It is this mere fiction of a proportiun varying from 87 to 91 fervent ignorance that he proposes per cent. Or if we look at the entire as the model after which Great number of schools for the labouring Britain should be revolutionised ! classes in England and Wales, it ap- Even if his dream were true, and pears from a report recently pre- if the American republic were all sented to Parliament by Mr Mann that he paints it, common- sense himself, that 81 per cent of the might tell him that what does well schools' and 76 per cent of the in America will not of necessity do scholars belong to the Church,-. well here. The difference in the upwards of a million sterling being natural circumstances of the two contributed by Churchmen for their countries is immense, so that it is support! Finally, to take a yet dif- impossible to have the same social ferent test, we find from the official or political condition in each. Waste return of marriages in England and lands of inexhaustible extent and Wales, that in this the most import- great natural fertility-virgin soils ant event of their lives, not less than of the best quality-are ever open to 84 per cent of the population have the population of the Union, drainrecourse to the Established Church. ing away the surplus hands from the And yet this consummate charlatan, old seats of industry : acting socially
VOL. LXXXIV.-NO. DXVIII. .
as a cheap and magnificent Poor-law, place without affecting the tenure of and politically as a vitally important any public offices save those immesafety-valve. The rapid progress of diately connected with the Cabinet ; the Union, too, which so astonishes whereas, on every presidential change the admiring eyes of Mr Bright, is in the Union, the whole public offnot due to any superiority of energy cers, from ambassadors down to tideto the old country, but to a yearly waiters, are driven from their posts influx of adult and energetic set- in order to make room for the myriad tlers such as is enjoyed by no friends and friends' friends of the other country. Indeed, were Mr new Administration. No wonder Bright a well-informed man, he that a Presidential election witnesses would know, and if an honest man an unscrupulous struggle of parties, he would say, that Liverpool and an amount of intimidation and corGlasgow, without any such extrinsic ruption not even dreamt of in the aid, have increased almost as rapidly “old country” – when, on every as New York, and that the Canadas such quadrennial occasion, seventy also have of late been "going ahead” or eighty thousand individuals are in a style to excite the envy even of struggling per fas aut nefas to prethe “smart men" of the States. But serve their daily bread, while twice even if the United States were pecu- or thrice as many—the expectants liarly that "paradise for the work- of office-strive with equal unscrupuing classes” which Mr Bright depicts, losity to turn them and their leader it would by no means follow that out. In the United States, it is no they are equally a paradise for hu- exaggeration to say, all our electionmanity in general. Mob-rule doubt- evils reappear in greater magnitude less has its sweets for the mobocracy, and more repellent form. Corrupbut it is neither a noble, wise, or tion is undisguised—intimidation is pleasant thing for the other and organised. So common and recog; better classes of the community. nised are electoral corruption and The British nation has no desire intimidation, that they have been that the lowest of its many levels the means of introducing new words shall dictate law and manners to all into the American vocabulary. Inthe others. Mr Bright descants deed any one who has been in most fervidly upon the corruption New York during an election does which he alleges to exist in the ad- not need a dictionary to explain ministrative system of Great Bri- “shoulder - hitter,” and suchlike tain ; but if he wish to see that terms of formidable import. In admonster fully developed, he should dition to bribery, which is too delifurther recruit his health and calm cate an operation to attract any athis Radical enthusiasm by a twelve- tention, often in the larger cities month's sojourn in his darling Trans- bands of bludgeon-men are regularly atlantic Utopia. Six weeks' time hired for the fray; party-mobs blockduring a Presidential election would ade the polling-booths; and the balsuffice to open his eyes-if they lot-boxes-Mr Bright's ultima spesbe pervious to evidence at all. Un- stuffed.” And as the votingless his optics be, as we fear they billets are all dumb as to their are, like stained glass, which only ownership, of course there can be no permits light of one hue to pass check upon such foul play,—which is through it, a very short residence a very serious drawback upon the would suffice to throw into confu- ballot as compared with our own sion all his present notions of re- system, under which scrutiny is easy publican purity and freedom. In and false voting impossible. Of these days of administrative re- stump”. oratory and “talking to form in our own country, what does Bunkuin,” we need say nothing, Mr Bright think of the practice of for Mr Bright himself is the very the Union, where the entire Govern- paragon of such orators, so far as ment patronage is distributed avow- the genus has a place in this country. edly on no other principle than that Neither do we know whether the of party interest ? Moreover, a min- mob-manners which reign supreme isterial change in this country takes in the public life of the Union be any
evil in the estimation of our Quaker still rejoice in the impunity which has friend and his clique ; but we know attended the inhuman exploit ! How this, that as a consequence of such a peaceful the land where the bowiestate of things, the most elevated knife and revolver are a recognised and enlightened classes in the United means of redress for real or imaginStates remain studiously apart from ary wrongs! How perfect the freepolitical life, and keep as much as dom, and
fraternal the spirit, when possible out of sight. This is a sign even in Philadelphia a man tinged of evil which has been observed for with African blood was tarred and the last twenty years, and which has feathered for being the husband of a been commented on by De Tocque- white lady,--and the civil power took ville, and every writer on the poli- no notice of the horrid crime! Freetical condition of the Union. The dom ! we can hardly find it in that best and most intelligent citizens of “model republic;" unless we underthe Union acknowledge this, and de- stand by the term the power to plore the falling off as regards moral fetter and control the natural liberty character on the part of their coun- of others ! Freedom! when one-half trymen." They will tell you," said of the country is covered with slava Scottish duke who has come much ery! Universal suffrage — what a in contact with them," that there is mockery! when there is a population less and less possibility of getting the outnumbering that of all Scotland, highest characters to take an interest who are not only debarred from all in public affairs; that there is less political rights, but who cannot even and less freedom of opinion for all make themselves heard in the courts those whose opinions are unpopular of justice-held in such fearful thralwith the masses; and last of all, dom that the husband cannot claim that there is even a sensible and his own wife, so entirely is she at the visible decline in that which used to will of her master, and where the be the great characteristic of the mother has no right even in her Anglo-Saxon race-a respect for the own children! No, no, Mr Bright! authority of the law.”
the Old Country may have its faults, Mr Bright shuts his eye to such but sure we are that there is too things, and to many others of still much good sense and right feeling more striking and repellent aspect. in our people to let them join in Has he nothing to say of the Ame- your blind and ignoble worship of rican doctrine of “ manifest destiny” American institutions! Go, make a and annexation? Has he no ana- small experiment yourself. In this themas to hurl at the filibustering country you can abuse Peers, Church, expeditions of Lopez and Walker - Army, everything and every body, in projects carried on with publicity, the foulest and falsest manner, yet and connived at by the authorities? no one harms you save by quietly Has he, mild Quaker, no hands of showing the absurdity of your statehorror to lift up at the Vigilancements. Try the same thing in a Committees, and the atrocities which much smaller degree in the United give rise to them -no voice to be- States. Abuse the slave-owners in wail the anarchy, bloodshed, and just the same terms as you have civil war in Kansas, or the polygamy thought fit to apply to English bishand rebellion in Utah? How orderly ops, and over one-half of the Union the country where, not two months you will be tarred and feathered, and ago, under the very eye of its chief city, in the halls of Congress you will be a furious mob burned out the fever- caned and horsewhipped.* stricken sufferers in quarantine, and Turning from this wide miscellany
We have said nothing as to the "cheap government” which Mr Bright imagines to exist in the United States. But fortunately, as we write, we find that he has met an answer on that point from an authority to which even he can hardly fail to attach weight; pamely, the Scottish American Journal, published in New York. Considering the facts and opinions expressed in the article, and also that these are made under the very eye of the American public, we cannot but regard it as a remarkable testimony, and as a strange exposure of the working of universal suffrage. It is as follows :
of errors which the member for Bir- precisely the same doctrine ? The mingham so freely indulges in and whole point lies in the application so audaciously promulgates, let us of the principle. Any man has a glance at the tissue of dishonesty and right to say that he holds a particuabsurdity which he sports as his lar principle,-all that concerns his creed as regards War. With a laud- neighbours is, as to how he acts able desire to justify himself, he told upon it. The profession of the same the gunmakers of Birmingham that principle by no means implies simihe does not hold the principle of far conduct. We all hold that it is
peace at any price.” It is curious our duty to love our neighbour, and that he never told us this before, Quakers are especially distinguished and his excuse for not having done for their creed of brotherly charity; so is just about as curious. He says yet we find that this in no way pre“it would have been of no use!' vents even Quakers from vomiting Well, perhaps his profession of faith forth the most fiery spite and malevonow is just as useless. He tells his lence, alike against individuals and constituents the gunmakers, that he whole classes of the community. Mr only objects to wars which are un- Bright's fault is a great deal worse just or unnecessary. Why, so say we than if he simply held peace-at-anyall! And how, then, does he vilify the price as a principle; for, with not rest of the community, and especially a few persons, crotchets which they our rulers, who most certainly hold profess to hold as principles, rapidly
“Mr Bright (in his Glasgow Letter) talks about escaping from the taxes of Britain, just as if there were no taxes on this side of the Atlantic. Now, we question, if all were counted up, if the people of the United States are not more heavily burdened in this way, individually, than those of Great Britain. One thing is perfectly certain, that they have far more to pay for the actual benefit they derive from Govern. ment. The heaviest burden is in the shape of local tases, of which there is no general account, and we therefore cannot appeal to national statistics in support of the assertion we hazard, that the aggregate taxes of the United States are equal to those of Great Britain. But let us take a local instance from each country, and, as Mr Bright's letter was addressed to a Glasgow meeting, we may compare Glasgow and New York. The local taxes of the former city amount to about £150,000 a-year, we believe. Those of New York exceed £1,600,000. The city is nearly twice the size of Glasgow, and its local burdens are more than ten times as great! And what is the comparative gain? The city of New York, within the limits of the corporation, does not nearly cover double the ground that Glasgow does ; Fet within this limited space, extending only some four miles by one and a half, what do we receive for this enormous expenditure in the shape of paving, cleaning, lighting, and police? In this respect there can be no comparison whatever between the two cities. In Glasgow the sum of a hundred and fifty thousand pounds actually produces a greater amount of efficient work and useful service than eight or nine million dollars do here ; and Glasgow is by no means a model of good civic government. The truth is, that the local taxes of New York, which are on the increase every year, are becoming too oppressive to be borne. On some kinds of property, the taxes are more than the entire rent of similar places in such cities as Glasgow or Liverpool. We are indebted for this to Mr Bright's blessed system of giving every man a voice in the Government. In New York it has raised up a population of political loafers, who swindle the public out of about five million dollars a-year, allowing the other three millions as the real value of the work actually done.
“ For local taxes alone, the people of New York pay as much per head as those of Glasgow pay for both local and Government taxes put together. Taking into account the population and wealth of the place, the latter may be roughly estimated at about £650,000, or perhaps a little more. Add to this the local taxes, and the total amounts to £800,000, being the same for each of the population as the New York corporation taxes. But we have to pay the Federal and State Government besides. There is scarcely an article we can buy the price of which is not enhanced by taxation, and the cost of living, as people here are accustomed to live, is just about double what it is in the large city with which we are making this comparison. Nearly all imported articles, whether British or French, are, as near as may be, double the price they are sold for at the other side of the Atlantic, and all the
melt away before their better instincts who in all war declares that we are when it comes to the test of action. in the wrong, and that our enemy is But with Mr Bright it is far other- in the right. Mr Bright does not wise ; for whatever may be his creed, like being called un-English,- but it it is most certain that peace-at-any- is impossible to style him otherwise. price is the rule of his action. He To be “English,” is to be imbued fiercely condemns every war that our with the spirit and character of the country has engaged in. It was not English nation ; whereas Mr Bright's for cherishing any abstract principle nature is such that, for years past, he of good-will to all men that the whole has not only dissented from but ferocountry rose against him, and that ciously abused his countrymen on Manchester turned him adrift; but every leading point of their policy because, in the course of a just and and conduct. And yet he complains, necessary war, he bitterly railed as a strange and vile thing, of his against us, and took the enemy's overthrow at Manchester ! He, side. Whatever his principles may be John Bright, the man who vehe(and it is very hard to make them mently asserts that “the people” out), his practice was infinitely worse. have too little weight in the GovernWe can tolerate a man as the vic- ment, bitterly complains of his retim of a silly crotchet, who holds jection by a popular constituency that all war is wrong ; but it is as a personal wrong on his part, and too much to expect toleration for one a most unrighteous proceeding on
native produce is high in price just in proportion. The former are high because they are subject to import duties, and the latter are so also because the people who sell them, and the places where they are sold, are under heavy local burdens, which render it necessary that there should be a great addition to the natural cost of production in order to realise a profit.
" New York being the great importing city of the continent, prices here regulate those of all other places. But the truth is that this case is not at all singular as regards the enormous amount of local taxation. We cannot hear of any city of consequence in which the state of matters is much better. Plunder, jobbery, and peculation are the rule in all places throughout the country, and in some cases the local taxes are of the most oppressive and annoying character. In the city of Chicago, for instance, where the people have deemed it expedient to scatter their buildings over a space equal to the whole of London, there is a tax of twenty dollars on all persons engaged in any occupation of the nature of peddling, people who keep stalls on the streets, or boys vending newspapers. Those who cannot get any work to do are liable, by a local statute, whicli we should fancy can scarcely have been carried into effect of late, to imprisonment for six calendar months !
“When Mr Bright, therefore, tells our countrymen to emigrate to the United States in order to escape taxation, he talks the most arrant nonsense. All things considered, this country suffers infinitely more from that source than Britain does, or any part of it. Then, again, when he adds the further inducement of obtaining a voice in public affairs, he uses an argument which every sensible man here abjures after he has been six months on this side of the Atlantic. The great eril in this country is the undue representation of persons, and the non-representation of property. There is no welldoing man so humble in position as not to feel that his interests are injuriously affected by this arrangement. He sees that his industry is indissolubly associated with other people's property, if he has none himself, and the circumstance of his having a voice in the Government is no consolation to him for being compelled to contribute to support the horde of non-producers and tax.consumers who constitute the governing classes, and, under pretence of administering public affairs, are eating into the very vitals of the country. This is especially the case in the corporations, and, without taking them into account, it is impossible to form any estimate of the political and social condition of this country."
This is plain speaking. We may add that the New York Herald, of nearly the same date, thus speaks of the corrupt state of the law-courts of New York :
“ The present Constitution provides for the popular election of too many officials, particularly judges. We have seen men of no character or reputation at the bar elevated to seats on the bench through the workings of party machinery, and they have been obliged to protect the scoundrels by whose aid they had achieved the judicial ermine."