renders man capable of freedom, by teaching him to unravel, from the entangled mass of enjoyment and misery, the clues which may serve him as unerring guides to happiness.

The conduct of France was the result of the measures adopted by us at Vienna and Aix-la-Chapelle. The war with Spain was undoubtedly popular; and on no account more so, I admit, than because it was known that England was opposed to it. A natural feeling of enthusiasm aroused the indignation of the French youth, which, combined it must be allowed with the leaven of the military frensy, caused a general ferment throughout the country. The well-disposed and more experienced were obliged to give way to the arts of the designing, seconded by the vehemence of youth; for the war with Spain was regarded as the emancipation of France from her servitude; and in bursting from her chains, she fell with the exultation of revenge on a system supported by the good wishes at least of her most inveterate foe. The act was not, I am persuaded, the calm deliberate resolve of the French Cabinet, which has since succeeded in guiding the violence it could not restrain; and the very army which marched to the support of despotism, is now protecting Spain against the cabals of the most despicable slaves who have ever disgraced the name of man. Nay, I will not hesitate to affirm, that the disgusting spectacle of priestcraft and despotism exhibited to the eyes of the French army in Spain will produce, as its necessary consequence, the same salutary effects as the exhibition of the drunken Helot to the free-born Spartan.

Most sincerely, my Lord, do I believe that the moment is now arrived in which the future welfare of mankind may be secured or marred for ages. Whatever question may arise as to the prudence of the late Mr. Canning's speech on the memorable evening of the King's message with regard to Portugal, some of the truths contained in it were as striking as they were forcibly pronounced. The future wars which may desolate Europe will exhibit the conflict of national opinion, instead of the ambition of individual despots on the one hand, with the in itself inert mass of slavery and ignorance, animated by the stirring spirit of that ambition, on the other. The united efforts of the former will be irresistible. Magna est veritas, et prevalebit. But truth is one and indivisible, and such must be the tempers of her worshippers. United with France and the Netherlands, and such Powers in the south of Germany as have obtained constitutional Governments, the cause of civilisation may be secured from every attack. To diffuse its benevolent principles, we must not have recourse to violence, but trust to the efforts which will be produced by the fertilising streams derived from the fountain-head. The principle to which we must oppose our combined resistance is isolating by its nature, for it is the prin

ciple of exclusive self-interest. Can Austria, for instance, hesitate, at the present moment, whether she ought to co-operate with her redoubted neighbour, or will she not rather participate in the jealousy experienced by those who are opposed to her encroaching policy?

And let not the circumstances under which Russia at present marks her designs deceive us: they can scarcely deceive the most unthinking. The bare fact that the avowed despotical principle has been lost sight of, that a people struggling for liberty against the oppressor have received the aid of a member of the Holy Alliance, is sufficient to awaken our utmost suspicion. Whether England or France have acted wisely whilst adopting such an ally, or whether proper precautions have been taken to prevent the mischief which may result from the presence of a Russian army in the immediate vicinity of the three Greek provinces under her protection, time will probably develope to the laity, who are uninitiated in the negotiations which have taken place. One point is sufficiently obvious-namely, that a strict union in the councils of England and France is at this critical moment particularly necessary. Can we forget that in the very bay of Navarino, the Spartan pride was so humbled by the rival Republic of Athens, as to render any atonement less than that of the destruction of the Athenian liberty unavailable? And shall we forget also the advantage taken by the despotic Sovereign of Macedon, of the dissensions between the two States which should have been the guardians and protectors of the common liberty of Greece? The danger, thank God, is not equal; but is not the parallel between our situation and that of the Athenians, addressed by Demosthenes, at this moment most striking? Are we not in each succeeding day inquiring what news from Greece?-as if there were any greater news than that of a combination of England and France to throw Turkey into the gigantic arms of Russia.

The evils attendant on the want of a generous sympathy between those who desire the happiness of mankind have already been touched on, and may surely be considered as a no less cogent reason for our union with those who would willingly embark in so glorious an enterprise, than the direct advantages to be derived from such an alliance. If we persevere in the system adopted at Vienna and Aix-la-Chapelle, what can we expect but the recurrence of the disastrous effects already experienced-the discouragement of the wise and good, the exultation of the weak and wicked, and a general distrust and disunion, whose effect was well known of old to be the most favorable symptom for the despot? Divide et impera

1 See the 1st Philippic.

is a maxim which has stood the test of ages. The people will be blinded by the foolish charm of military glory, the favorite bauble thrown in the way by the Machiavelian politician; and there can be little doubt against whom the military ardor of France will be first directed. The whole line of the Rhine would in a few days be secured—the field of Waterloo would again be contested; and happy should we be if the result gave no one more chance of profiting by the experience of past follies. The consequences, on the contrary, of an overthrow and of the final triumph of despotism would, it is to be feared, be manifested in the diffusion of total darkness over Europe for centuries yet to come.

If we can trust to appearances, the result of the late elections in France will infallibly be a change of the Administration in that country, and such a change must bring into power men who stand pledged to a liberal policy. Be it Chateaubriand or Biguen, we may expect that their first step will be to endeavor to place France at the head of a constitutional league in her relations with Germany, Spain, and perhaps Italy, and to realise, as far as practice will admit, the amiable theory of Henry IV. What would be our feelings, if in such an event we again showed ourselves toto divisos orbe Britannos, with a continental system arranged against us, as much more formidable than that of Napoleon, as the resistance opposed to freedom is more hazardous and arduous than that opposed to despotism. France might avail herself of the compensation-scheme, and exchange Lombardy, when rescued from Austria, for the Netherlands. How much is to be feared if we do not participate-I might say, lead the way-in establishing the system of representative monarchies throughout Europe, which appears to be better adapted to States which have been gradually raised to civilisation than the republic forms of America, a country where all was to be begun anew. The path of happiness and true glory is open to us. At this moment we are invited to an union with France by the actual sympathy of the public feeling in that country. The late elections have strongly evinced that sympathy, and will guarantee its future co-operation with us in the cheerful efforts to be made in the cause of civilisation.

The universal manifestation of regret in all the French public prints on the death of our late Prime Minister, show that the return of our policy to the genuine principles of universal benevolence was hailed with enthusiasm; and this last observation may apply to all the other States of Europe where the press is an organ of public opinion. Other circumstances of minor importance appear to exhibit a return of the kindly disposition which is ever natural between those who are sufficiently informed to perceive the intimate connexion of their own interest with that of others to taste; for English

literature is now prevalent in France, an English theatre is encouraged, and harmony of feeling may, it is obvious, be produced by the interchange of ideas thus established between the two coun

tries.

It would exceed the limits of this letter, were I to attempt to exhibit to your Lordship the lengthening chain of reciprocal benefits which would confirm our union with the constitutional Governments, were the principle once adopted. In addressing a firm supporter of the liberal measures adopted with regard to foreign trade, I need not expatiate on the benefits to be derived to England, France, and the Netherlands in particular, from a more unrestrained intercourse between these three countries. Many constitutional improvements may also yet be derived from the original source of constitutional liberty by the two latter kingdoms, whilst they offer to us in the arrangement effected between religions clashing with that of the State, and in some points of civil policy, a possibility of improvement in our own institutions well deserving our serious attention. The cessation of the desolating wars carried on between France and this country for so many centuries under the influence of a blind jealousy on the part of the people, and an equally blind ambition on that of the rulers of the one or the other of the two countries, is in itself a blessing which will be also duly appreciated, not only by the Netherlands, the usual theatre of those sanguinary contests, but also by the rest of Europe, perpetually exposed to being embroiled in the quarrel.

All subsequent and minor considerations, however, form but a part of the one great object to be kept in view-the extension of the civilising principle. Nor do I hesitate to allow, that whatever has been harshly spoken of the States suffering under despotic forms of government, has been spoken more in sorrow than in anger. The prospect of a possible recurrence of that dark night which the invading Goths threw in their harpy flight from the north over the fairest portion of Europe, may have given the force of indignation to the deprecating anxiety of prudence. The reigns of Theodoric in Italy, and the Gothic monarchs in Spain, would be sufficient to satisfy the least inquisitive that the alleged barbarism of the conquerors was but comparative; and that comparison was instituted merely between the science and literature of the invaders and the invaded. An ingredient of civilisation which is of far more importance, the development of that part of moral principle which I have termed the civilising principle, was scarcely thought of. It is to this we must look in a comparison of the despotic and constitutional Governments; and the antipathy of the former to the latter is built on this difference alone. Yet, my Lord, I am too young to be destitute of enthusiasm ; and I dare to hope for a period when the ex

ertions of our country, which have already diffused and protected civilisation throughout the whole extent of the new world, may be hailed in the old with generous applause, and seconded by the ardor of surrounding nations, till the full tide of civilisation be poured over every part of the inhabited globe; and, traversing the vast empires of Austria and Russia, may meet with that current which already circulates around the southern part of the eastern continent, until despotism no longer knows where to find a restingplace.

That the Government over which you, my Lord, preside, may have the immortal honor of opening the career leading to such sublime results, is the sincere prayer of, my Lord, your Lordship's obedient humble servant,

AN ENGLISHMAN.