army in a few weeks. This measure is very far-sighted; for in a military respect it is excellent, and in a political aspect it promotes the fusion of the various races composing the monarchy. It overthrows privileges which afforded no advantage to those holding them, but which injured the true national interests; and lastly, it shows that the Austrian government has cleverly employed the situation into which the events of the year 1848 brought it. Eight years ago the government would never have dared to form such a determination. Another and very important measure has also been set about by the Austrian government. The emperor commanded the formation of a fifth battalion after the 1st of November, 1852-to be called the Depôt Battalion-in every regiment. This battalion consists of 852 men. At the same time a depôt of three companies was formed for the Tyrolese Chasseur regiment; a depôt company for each chasseur battalion of six companies. These companies have a strength of 213 men. Lastly, the emperor formed a depôt squadron for each cavalry regiment, with an effective strength of Heavy cavalry, 139 men, 113 horses; light cavalry, 172 men, 143 horses. Consequently, from the 1st of November, 1852, the Austrian army received an augmentation of— Horses. 62 battalions of 852 men 18 depôt companies of Tyrolese Chasseurs of 15 squadrons of 139 men and 113 horses 23 squadrons of 172 men and 143 horses Total augmentation.. } Total of active army (already stated) ... 477,069 54,620 ... Grand total of Austrian army, Nov. 1, 539,768 59,604 1852 ... Viribus unitis! Such is the proud motto of renovated Austria, and well may she feel her own importance at the present eventful moment, when her sword, thrown into the scale, would decide the future destinies of nations. But, whatever may be the intention of the government, we believe that the army itself would regard with great distrust any closer alliance with the northern neighbour. Leaving out of sight the recent wound inflicted on their self-love by the Russian intervention in the Hungarian war, the Austrian officers feel great repugnance to the Russian system, and that predilection for customs that are derived from a period of barbarism. Unfortunately, however, we cannot, from personal experience, hold out any hope that they would join cordially with the Allies in the prosecution of the war, for hatred of France, and jealousy of England, cannot be extirpated at a moment's notice. The present ambition of the Austrian army appears to be an armed neutrality in conjunction with Prussia-a neutrality which cannot permanently endure. The drain on the Austrian exchequer for the maintenance of such a gigantic force is too great to allow her to remain passive for any length of time, and she will probably find herself compelled to accept terms eventually far below those now offered her by the Allies. But in this she remains true to her Hapsburg policy. But there is one peculiar aspect under which the state of Germany at the present moment must be regarded-namely, the humiliating notion that petty jealousy and ill-concealed envy should so utterly neutralise the power of such armies as Germany can bring into the field. Instead of acting as arbitrator, and by a slight effort of her united strength, compelling the Czar to refrain from those ambitious projects which her dismemberment induced his predecessor to cherish, she stands on the verge of the precipice, uncertain, vacillating, and contemptible-by her obstinacy preventing that honourable issue on which both parties have set their hearts, and by every despicable effort of diplomatic chicanery rendering the embroglio still more entangled. But we may console ourselves with the reflection that the day of reckoning will eventually arrive for them: oppressed nationalities will one day find an opportunity for entering into a stern reckoning with the monarchs who conceal their autocracy under the garb of affected liberality or saintly hypocrisy. When that time arrives, va victis! and Russia, we ardently trust, will by that period have received such a lesson, that she will lack either the ability or the will to purchase gratitude and forbearance by the timely assistance her cohorts may afford. We can hardly believe that the German nation is, of itself, so blinded that it cannot receive the inestimable advantages which must accrue to it from the humiliation of the Czaric power: but, alas! their sympathies may be with the right cause, but those are of little avail in a contest where physical, and not moral, force must decide. And yet, the early events of 1848 might have taught them a salutary lesson; then, they learned what a nation, in the consciousness of right, can effect, and though they lost the advantages they acquired, almost as soon as attained, by their own apathy, still, the feeling that, when united, they can overthrow the most powerful monarchical combinations, cannot have been thoroughly eradicated. The contest between the Allies and the Czar will speedily assume gigantic proportions: the whole of Europe must, of necessity, be drawn into the vortex, and when that period arrives, it will not be a question of Austria or Prussia having their special interests jeopardised, but we trust that a common danger will cause the Germans to combine and throw off that yoke, which is the more galling as it is sedulously concealed from sight. Germanism and Sclavonism will then enter on a contest which must decide the fate of Central Europe, not whether it shall be Republican or Cossack in the strict sense of the terms, but whether liberty or autocracy shall be the ruling principle. But to attain such a result much must be effected: the Allies must develop their strength in a manner to which they are yet strangers; the war must be carried on with that stern, uncompromising spirit which characterised a "Heaven-born Minister:" only one object must be kept in view, and to that every other feeling must be sacrificed. We have taken the initiative in fighting the good fight of liberty, and no consideration of possible injury which might accrue to such faint-hearted friends as our German allies have proved themselves to be, must be allowed to bear weight for a moment. The principle must be distinctly enunciated, that "he who is not for us is against us"—our friends must be those who are willing to be tried in the furnace-for we cannot any longer bear with half measures. We have entered on a contest for which the whole world will owe us the deepest gratitude-we have determined on putting a check upon the progress of barbarism in Europe-and, though the regents may feel offended at our interference with their prejudices and their sympathies, the stake for which we are playing is so enormous, and its results so incalculable, that we cannot allow any further hesitation. Great hopes were entertained upon the formation of the present Ministry that the honour of England was entrusted to safe hands, and the unanimous voice of the nation joined in one cry of satisfaction on the appointment of our new Premier. But how have our hopes been belied! The same shilly-shallying-the same want of comprehension that we are engaged in a war of which, probably, few of the present generation will see the result-appear to rule in Downing-street; and it seems as if there were some peculiar atmosphere pervading those apartments, which paralyses the energies of even the most energetic men. We are willing to make any sacrifice to bring the war to an honourable, or even satisfactory issue, but we do ask, in return, that the conduct of that war should be entrusted to men who will keep only that one object in view, and consult the interests of nations rather than of dynasties, as has hitherto been, unfortunately, too much the animating principle in our councils. But these evils, we confidently hope, will cure themselves: the fiat has gone forth: Carthago est delenda-and, no matter the sacrifice, Englishmen will not be driven from their purpose. We ask of ministers but a slight thing-that they will prosecute the war with vigour-and for that object we will supply the means, but we will not endure any compromise. The object at stake is immense, and we will not have it said that we were backward in attempting to gain it-for that both our pride and our honour will forbid. If the war has, hitherto, been carried on under a mistake, or an erroneous estimate of our opponent's strength, the remedy can be easily applied: the means are in the hands of ministers, and to them we look-we wish we could say confidently-for these means being used promptly, energetically, and successfully. ENSIGN PEPPER'S LETTERS FROM THE CRIMEA. BATCH THE SIXTH. The Trenches, before Sebastopol, April, 1855. DEAR GUARDIAN,-I have just received the letters from home, all safe, but I am unable to send you back any news worth reading. We are not a bit nearer taking the stubborn place in front of us than we were, before; or-many of us think, now-than we ever shall be. We have latterly been very busy, our engineers especially, erecting works here, and batteries there, and after they are completed, we always find the Russians have been as industrious and watchful as ourselves, and have thrown up new works, in the very teeth of ours. We have got the old riddle in the camp now, "What's that that's always coming, and never comes?" "To-morrow and that's when we are to go in and take Sebastopol." The weather continues quite as peculiar as Lord Raglan described it in his despatch; the copy of which I sent you. Sometimes it's fine, and sometimes it's not. Now, we shall be revelling in a hot sun and clear sky, treading on warm grass and other spring flowers; and then it will change into everlasting days of pelting rain; or, what's worse, a cold, black, murky sea-fog, in which you can hardly see your hand at noonday. We hope the frost is gone, for this season, so that we may keep our toes and fingers on us for another year, but some of the nights feel downright bitter. A wonderful change has taken place since I last wrote. Somebody, perhaps government, has sent out orders that we are to be turned upside down. Lord Raglan comes out, like a brick, and by the help of a good glass we may see him almost any day. Even bets are laid that, ere long, some of us-a general or even a colonel-will be promoted to the honour of exchanging personal salutations with him. General Jones, or some other general, periodically looks us up in the trenches. Admiral Boxer is come up, and is turning himself, and everybody else, about Balaklava; and the railroad stands out in full glory amidst its navvies. A place is built on the heights of Balaklava for those recovering from sickness, which they have called a Sauatorium (as if there could be anything sanatory in the atmosphere of Balaklava!), and you may count the wooden huts by the score. Illness is very much on the decrease-so we are assured-and we are quite revelling in the matter of medicine. Several cargoes of "Dalby's Carminative" have arrived, and several more of "Mrs. Johnston's American Soothing Syrup." As they are infantile cordials, we expected the next consignment would be a few ship-loads of babies; but the doctors, who seemed very savage over the new medicines, said the Soothing Syrup was invoiced to the elderly officers who have got false teeth. Eupatoria is swarming with Turks, and the country between that place and Balaklava is swarming with Russians. The consequence is pitched battles. And between each shindy, they meet, on the plain, and exchange courtesies. The Turks offer presents of wine and tobacco, and receive June-VOL. CIV. NO. CCCCXIV. L in exchange deputations bearing sucking-pigs and calves' hearts, ready stuffed and roasted. We thought we smelt sage and onions very strong, one day, when the wind blew direct to our camp from Eupatoria. If the same agreeable odour should again set-in, our way, I and Gill and Tubbs and Stiffing mean to mount Stiffing's new horse, and gallop over to Eupatoria and see what we can come in for. You are aware, of course, that for difficulty it will be something like crossing from London to Calais on horseback, as we shall have to dodge the Russians, in getting round Sebastopol: but Tubbs says he knows a plan and a short cut, so we intend to try it on. I must not omit to tell you that I have been down to Scutari. It was soon after I wrote in February. A friend of mine, Ensign Rendal, was ordered down on a mission, but, being ill, he felt himself unequal to the horrors of the sea passage, so I undertook it for him-for if we did not help each other, out here, dear sir, who is there that will help us? But I am pleased to tell you that great improvements have taken place in the transport-service, and it was better than I had expected. The vessel was the -, but I suppose I must not let it out, for we have been forbidden to mention the names of the sick-transports, lest those adders who write for the newspapers should get hold of something to fasten on. There were a lot of sick on board and some wounded, all very well provided for. There were not any cots, it's true; or conveniences for washing, and the mattresses were- -well, I didn't go within a few yards of them; but we had a liberal supply of disinfecting stuff, chloride of lime, and the rest. The poor fellows themselves were in a dreadful state, quite eaten up with dirt and live animals, so, if their bedding was not perfectly clean and sweet, it could not matter. I stopped on deck, night and day, to sniff the fresh air, for, below, it was rather stale and musty. I am quite proud to tell you we had plenty of fresh meat; it was a little tough, and the men could not eat it, but there it was, ready for them, so people cannot grumble now. We had a nice run to Scutari, but somehow we couldn't approach the landing-place, and the captain ordered boats to come out for the sick. After waiting three or four days, they came, and the men were got ashore: but the sick wretches were downhearted at being kept in the ship-or else their fevers took a bad turn, from the long spell in the close quarters-and several of them had to be chucked overboard before landing. The hospital is a great big giant of a building, very bare and ugly, with a cypress-grove behind it, crowded with graves. One of the fellows, as he dragged himself up the hill, and took his first view of it, said it didn't look a mighty healthy spot for an hospital, with them tombstones close to it. Some men were lounging round the entrance, convalescents, we heard, but they looked white and puny about the gills. I wanted to find Cornet Ellison, who had gone down to hospital about a month before, and asked them, but they said they had not heard of him, so I went hunting out for myself. I might as well have looked for a needle in a bottle of hay. Dirty corridors, without end, crammed with life, and whole streets of wards, full of rows of beds, in which every inmate, when you could see their heads, looked like each other. I should think it must be miles broad and long, that hospital. I was pushing along, very glumpy, fearing I should not find much fun at Scutari, when I came upon some officials, writing at a |