conscious enemy, -we are perfectly aware that in his own way, and under his own self-interested conditions, Louis Napoleon loved France and desired to see her glorious and great; but still he was her deadly enemy, because he was one who loved power better than duty, and though more of the wealth and glory of France, than of her intelligence, her liberty or her selfrespect. But it was radically languid; constantly leon III. sowed the tares which are now under the dangerous sedative influence of being garnered-in so plentifully by the una love of pleasure; and entirely without happy Republicans, let us hope for conthe restless and impulsive vigilance of all flagration. Who that has the true welfare great administrative natures. The conse- of France at heart can hesitate for one quence was that when the late Emperor moment to say, "An enemy hath done found himself the centre of a great politi- this"? Not, of course, an open or selfcal system, he was compelled to make money do, or rather seem to do, the work which he ought to have done by the unwearied energy of his own will. The natural sequence of the destruction of political liberty, and the concentration of great power in the hands of a lazy and somewhat enfeebled valetudinarian, was a vast system of corruption. We do not charge the Emperor with any personal meanness in the matter. For this there is no evidence, and, as far as we know, his perhaps somewhat artifically-cultivated, yet quite genuine feeling of Imperial dignity, would alone have rendered it impossible for him to amass wealth for himself. But we do say that his lavish use of money to THE strange Revolution that has taken make the Imperial machinery of Govern-place in Paris within the last fortnight ment run easier in his languid hands, was new misfortune to France over and above the misfortune of the suppression of her political education, and ought now to be a second "remorse" to himself. a From The Saturday Review. springs from sources which have been more or less in activity since 1789. Paris, ever since the days of the Reign of Terror, has been the centre of French Revolution, and since the beginning of the reign of As a ruler the ex-Emperor is bound to Louis Philippe Lyons has on a smaller feel not one, but two great passions of re-scale rivalled Paris. These two cities morse, one that his régime postponed to have accordingly for the last forty years the Greek kalends the possibility of any been treated as something like outlaws. intelligent and temperate freedom in They have for a long time been denied France, the other that his régime de- municipal institutions, and Paris especially graded the ideal of administrative duty, has been kept down by main force, while and rendered pecuniary greediness some- material advantages have been accumuthing like the law of official life. It is lated on it in order to gild the yoke it has with the inheritance of both these monster had to bear. Paris has in a manner a speevils that the conquered and frantic coun- cial case as against the Governments of try, conquered through his incompe- France which have successively ruled it, tence, frantic from the ignorance and con- and particularly against the Empire. It fusion which his suppression of all real has been regarded as too dangerous in political life for twenty years compelled, - every way to have any local liberties asis now struggling. No doubt it is fair to signed to it. Its organization has been set off against these monster evils that the that of direct Government interference. Emperor taught France the secret of A Government official has decided what material prosperity, and went a good way taxes should be paid, and how those taxes towards giving her free trade. But let no should be spent. An ubiquitous police man who does not believe that money, or has supervised and controlled all domestic money's worth, is the summum bonum of and all public life. It has been held, in nations, talk of the ex-Emperor's régime fact, as a conquered town. Possibly this as if it were the golden age towards which, has only been a penalty merited by grave in the present anarchy and confusion, it is excesses and dangerous tendencies; but natural to cast back a longing glance. merited penalties are felt keenly, and some The military impotence of France, which allowance must be made for the extraordiis, perhaps, the least of all the frightful nary irritability of the more ignorant class evils of the present situation, the political of Parisians, who were, on the one hand, impotence of France, the social corruption constantly told that Paris was the eye of of France, are all the natural and legiti- Europe, the delight of nations, the protecrmate harvest of the imperial seed. Napo-lor of humanity, and, on the other hand were perpetually reminded that Paris was which could not be answered, perhaps, not thought worthy even of so much local without a long discussion. But even asliberty and dignity as was accorded to suming that the coup d'état was the less of Orleans or Tours. Then, again, Paris was two evils, it is in the highest degree imnot only allowed, but ordered, to keep up portant, for the purpose of understanding a military force of its own. It had its the present politics of France, to notice the National Guards; but the city was taxed, enormous cost at which whatever benefits and had the bauble of its special military may have accrued from it were purchased. pomp dangled before its eyes, in order Nearly every evil from which France is that its local force might answer none of now suffering may be traced to the coup the purposes for which a local force is sup- d'état. What are the main evils which are posed to be instituted. The National Guard now weighing upon France? Paris is in of Paris was an elaborate contrivance for in- open rebellion; but for the last twenty ducing the regular troops to fire, when or- years Paris has been subjected to indignidered, on the people. Revolutionary mem- ties which it was a necessary part of the ories are so strong in the French soldiery Imperial policy to inflict, but which must that there is always a chance that they may have been acutely felt, and the grievance hesitate to fire on their civilian brothers, but of which was naturally exaggerated by a if a civilian body of soldiery could be asso- quick-witted, sensitive people. The Naciated with them, their scruples, it seems, tional Guard has proved faithless to the might be easily removed. The National cause of order; but the National Guard Guard, officered by nominees of the Gov- has had all the honesty and purpose taken ernment, promised to provide exactly the out of it by the manner in which it was instrument that was wanting; and thus made to conduce to an ignoble end. The the wild spirits of Paris saw their city sub- National Guard is smarting under the jected to another indignity, and its local sense of its own inefficiency before the force artificially manipulated into an en- enemy, while it is scarcely able to realize gine of repression. Lastly, Paris has al- how inefficient it was. But this is exactly ways been the victim of the revolutions it what might have been expected of a sham has commenced. The Government of military force, arranged so as to act in conLouis Philippe was in a measure, and junction with real soldiers, as amateur the Government of Louis Napoleon was policemen, cut off from all the realities of altogether, hostile to Paris. The Empire, service. The troops of the Line have fraas is frankly confessed in the manifesto ternized with the National Guard in face just issued by M. Duvernois, was the sym- of the insurgents; but it was precisely to bol of the rule of the provinces over the lure troops on to acts of stern repression capital. Rude peasants who knew nothing that it was attempted to arrange that of the history, the wants, or the sufferings they should always act in conjunction with of the capital, were appealed to as the ul- the National Guard, and not without or timate source of an authority which kept against them. The troops of the Line are Paris in rigid subjection. It was Boeotia thoroughly demoralized, and throughout perpetually dictating to Athens, and the the war the want of discipline and the inmodern Athenians learnt to hate the whole subordination of the French soldiery has apparatus of universal suffrage, plébiscites, been one of the chief causes of German sucand provincial perfectures, by which Im-cess. But from the coup d'état dates the perialism sustained itself and Paris was kept prostrate at its feet. The events of the last few days, and the disastrous effects of the forced or calculating inactivity of the Government, have naturally suggested the thought that the policy of blood and iron was the right one, and that the Emperor did a real service to France by the coup d'état. It is not exactly accurate to speak of the coup d'état as immediately directed against the revolutionary party in Paris, but at any rate it was the crown and symbol of the whole policy of repression. Whether the coup d'état was in any way justifiable under the circumstances, or whether recent events can be held to justify it, are questions demoralization of the French army. It was pampered, petted, and bribed in preparation for the coup d'état, and it had to be perpetually pampered, petted, and bribed in order that the fruits of the coup d'état might be preserved. As the whole army could not be thoroughly trusted for this purpose, an enormous band of Prætorians was created, and there was not a sufficiency of good materials left in the ordinary regiments to encounter such troops as the Germans brought into the field. The officers, when the crisis came, were found ignorant of their profession, and possessed of no power over their men, because the Emperor, assiduous as he had been in demoralizing the army, had been twice as assiduous in demoralizing the those he can influence a pleasant idea that officers, as the immediate agents in the ex- Paris should be a Power by itself, wage its ecution of his policy of repression. The own little wars, rule its own affairs, and present Government of Paris is a Socialist despise, bully, or subjugate its neighGovernment; but for twenty years the bours as opportunity may offer. This is Emperor has been fostering the Socialism very like the enthusiasm in the first Revof Paris, and taxing the provinces to find olution for Republican Rome. Of the hisParis employment. He set himself to be tory of Republican Rome the French of able to repress insurrection, but he did not that day were entirely ignorant, but for wish to have any open insurrection to re- them a Republic was always a Republic, press, and he thought the readiest way of and if they spouted enough and shed blood attaining his end was to bribe Paris to enough, while their women wore sandals keep quiet. The bourgeoisie of Paris has and dressed their hair more or less like shrunk from danger, and allowed itself to ancient statues, they were sure they must be cowed by a small minority of the pop- be the worthy rivals of Brutus and Cato. ulation. But the Emperor has sedulously Paris belongs to France as well as to itself, prepared the way for the collapse, by and cannot be allowed, even if it wished, to denying all municipal life to Paris, and become another Genoa or Pisa. Putting teaching the shopkeeper to think that, if Socialism for the moment aside, it is an he can but keep his shop open, he has got absurd and impermissible anachronism for all that his soul can desire. France is Paris to cut itself out of France and set up without great men, and even without capa- on its own account. It would be so irrible men, and has had to fly for refuge to tated by the isolation in which it found itthe guidance of an old man who has been self that it would be sure to wish to eskept in obscurity for twenty years. But cape from it by getting the provinces it was the Empire that nipped in the bud under its command, and would thus proall the political ability of the country. voke the conflict from which it professes Lastly, there is a deadly feud between to ask to stand aloof. The men, too, who Paris and the provinces, and no one can head the Revolution are to all appearance doubt how the long-standing bitterness between them was fomented who reflects on all that was involved in the sudden extinction of the hopes of Parliamentary liberty by the plébiscite of last May. utterly incompetent for the prolonged management of affairs, and a movement cannot last long the leaders of which have thought it a good stroke of business to burn all the records of the Police Office, It is probably because M. Thiers pon- while they give an official sanction to the ders with much painful anxiety on all advocacy of assassination. Whatever may these things that he is so loth to put down be the fair claims of Paris, and however the insurrection of Paris with a high hand. much the evils of France may be attributIt may well seem a dreadful thing to him able to the policy under which Paris has to begin once more the policy of repression; been repressed, the Communal Council and to let the provinces win a victory over and its adherents must speedily collapse Paris. M. Thiers is far too much of a or be put aside by force, unless French Parisian to wish to see Paris perpetually society is wholly to decompose. But it is under the thraldom of remote peasants and not enough to put down the insurrection priests. It is true that, however much he of Paris. A new coup d'état, if it brings may hesitate, the attitude of Paris will immediate relief, will bring its train of indrive him before long to have recourse to direct and perpetual evils. The hopes of force. The Parisians complain that for France lie not in a resuscitation of Impeyears France has forgotten them and rialism under its old or a new name, but their grievances, and now they are show- in the introduction of a system of governing that in their turn they forget France. ment which shall unite a fair share of inThey are pushing to an extreme their dependence and local life in the large claim for municipal independence, for a towns with the cohesion and unity of the real local force, and for immunity from the country. The task is doubtless a very difdictation of the provinces. They propo-e, ficult and dangerous one which the statesso far as the leaders of the Reds represent man who tries to introduce such a system them, to withdraw from France altogether. will have to undertake, but the success of It appears that one at least of their chiefs the undertaking is not beyond hope; or, has, by an unfortunate accident, just read if it is beyond hope, then the permanent enough to have a vague notion of the peace and prosperity of France are begrandeur and happiness of the mediæval yond hope also. Italian Republics. It seems to him and AN ANCIENT BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION.- A most interesting paper has lately been communicated to the Royal Asiatic Society by the Rev. Alexander Wylie on the subject of an ancient Buddhist inscription that exists on the interior of an archway in the village of Keu-yungkwan in North China. The arch, which spans the village street, was, as its name, Kwo-chiehta, denotes, originally surmounted by a pagoda; but in consequence of the aversion shown by the Mongols to passing under the ominous building, the pagoda was, about four centuries ago, removed by order of the Government, the rest of the structure being left as it at present stands. The arch is built of white marble, and its structure is remarkable from the fact that while its blocks are cut for a circular arch, the inner surfaces are hewn to produce a ceiling of semi-hexagonal form. The chief interest attaching to it, however, is centered in the inscriptions in six languages-viz. Sanskrit, Thibetan, Bashpah, Ouigour, Neuchih, and Chinese - which adorn its sides. These inscriptions were first brought to the notice of the European public by Mr. Wylie in a paper which was published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1860; but a complete impression of that on the eastern side of the archway, the most important of the two, was only procured by him at a recent date. The Sanskrit and Thibetan portions of the inscription are inscribed in horizontal lines of twenty feet in depth, and below these are four compartments containing versions of the same in Bashpah, Ouigour, Neuchih, and Chinese characters, all in vertical lines. With the exception of the Sanskrit, the texts are inscribed partly in large and partly in small characters, and a comparison of the whole shows plainly that the large characters in each language are transcripts cf the sounds of the original Sanskrit, and that additional matter has been added in each language in the smaller characters. To Orientalists the great importance of this inscription will be at once apparent, since it furnishes us with specimens of the Neuchih, Ouigour, and Bashpah languages in a connection which enables us to form partial syllabaries and vocabularies of them. Of the Neuchih character, the national writing of the Kin Dynasty Tartars, all knowledge is now absolutely lost in China, and only one other specimen of it is known to exist that which is preserved in the Imperial Mausoleum at Keen-chow in the Province of Shense. Like their predecessors the Chitan Tartars, the Neuchihs were, when they became dominant in the North of China in the early part of the 12th century, a rude unlettered tribe possessing no written language of their own, and hence were dependent on their vanquished rivals and the Chinese for the conduct of their correspondence and literary negotiations. The inconvenience of thus being beholden to foreigners for the transaction of all national business soon became so unbearable that Akuta, the founder of the dynasty, appointed a commission of Chinese and Chitans to form a new set of symbols from the elements of the Chinese pattern-hand characters, adapted to the sounds of the Neuchih language. This was done, and an Imperial decree published in the year 1119 ordered the general adoption of the newly-formed alphabet. Twenty-six years later another system of syllabic writing, known as the Small Neuchib character, was invented and brought into official use, and it is this character which is employed in the inscription of which we are now speaking. The tablet at Keen-chow is inscribed in the large or earlier Neuchih letters, and this therefore is the only specimen of the later alphabet known to be extant. By comparing the Neuchih characters with the Sanskrit Mr. Wylie has been able with some degree of certainty to form a partial syllabary of that language. In like manner he has been able to supply many of the sounds of the Bashpah and Ouigour letters. Of the former of these several specimens have from time to time been discovered, and Mr. Wylie tells us that in 1854 he found an inscription in this character in a Confucian temple at Shanghai. Fortunately he took impressions from the slab at once, for on his return a short time afterwards he found that the temple had since been in the occupation of some British officers, who in their desire to make things "comfortable," had plastered over all the inscribed tablets on the walls, and had allowed their servants to use this particular one as a block on which to chop wood! - Apart from the philological value of the inscription, comparatively little interest attaches to it. It is merely one of the many dharanis cr recitations commonly found in the Buddhist sacred books; but it is a matter of no little surprise that considering its age its date is 1345 and the position of the archway, spanning the high-road from Peking to Mongolia, it should be so far preserved as to have rendered its translation possible. The work of deciphering the characters was one, however, of great labour, and surrounded with many difficulties, for, in addition to the fact that the surface of the marble, especially towards the base, was a good deal chipped and otherwise defaced, the Chinese copyist had made numerous errors in his endeavours to extricate the complex Sanskrit character from the half-obliterated legend. All the more thanks are therefore due to Dr. Haas, of the British Museum, to whom the task fell of translating the origiual Sanskrit, and to Mr. Wylie - who have thus supplied a most important addition to our scanty knowledge of the ancient Tartar languages. Pall Mall. 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