nts, who had been sent for ready and so near. Is it not enough to suppose reated from returning by Greeks, when assembled in Breotia, drew their sup marched into Baotia, we adequate, without supposing also that the moneyless sisioned from the same as of Sparta were, without delay, provisioned from

good of the Isthmus? That they were supplied borhood, if they were supplied at all, seems at is now passing before our eyes. The high England is drawing corn from the inland parts of blockade of the Dardanelles has obliged the Turks land-carriage. The harvest in Spain has been f land-carriage will be very great, and the corn e expense will be very great in Turkey also. own experience, shall we maintain that the ted themselves to collect corn for those who for it?

In the first place, price of corn is very low in the inland parts:

in his extravagance: there is so far ta campaign which began with woned in like manner. "Mardonius," been naturally disposed to extraoron the present occasion was indeed on-in-law of the warlike Darius, and subdued the Brygian Thracians,

places we are the most dependent the corn which is imported from quantity, all that comes to us from nst Leptines. The translation is Some ships, carrying corn from us, were stopped by the Persian

Orion Accoted that they should be suffered

we are going to the same "Mitford from Herodotus,

ants,' who had been sent for provisions into Peloponnesus, were prevented from returning by the Persian cavalry. If, therefore, the Greek army was provisioned from Peloponnesus after it had marched into Boeotia, we may reasonably infer that it was provisioned from the same source, while it yet remained within the Isthmus.

Have we then got rid of our difficulties at last? Have we recouciled Herodotus and Mitford with probability, and may we end this tedious inquiry? Unluckily we have made no nearer approach to truth than was made by the youthful students who rejected the fables of Æsop in favor of the exploits of Thomas Hickathrift.

2

In the first place, Peloponnesus could hardly be called a corn country. Very little of Arcadia, its largest province, was in a state of tillage; and Messenia, its most fertile province, was cultivated by the wretched Helots. In the preceding year, corn had been imported from Pontus: the many myriads who began to fortify the Isthmus after the battle of Thermopylæ, were lost to their respective countries as agriculturists. The combined fleet, when assembled off the Isthmus, must have drawn supplies from Peloponnesus; and the confederates who assembled at the Isthmus after the battle of Salamis, and the necessary consumption of the ensuing winter and spring, would have emptied granaries better stocked than those of Peloponnesus.

In the beginning of summer how was an army so suddenly collected and so suddenly despatched, and amounting to 50,000 men at least, to find the necessary supplies on its arrival at the IsthIn the time of Demosthenes the agriculturists of Peloponnesus had more leisure, and could scarcely have less skill than

captors ever slaughtered the beeves, which they had the means of driving off to their own quarters. The cattle here mentioned seem to have been used merely as beasts of burden; and the meaning of oriɑ may be restricted to bread, without doing violence to the Greek language or Greek habits. "Tos, the general term, means bread, as bread with us is the general term for food. There are many instances of the Greeks considering the want of bread as famine; and a very particular one in Roman history. At Avaricum Cæsar's troops had plenty of meat, but no bread; and this was considered by him as a sufficient reason to offer to his army a proposal for quitting the siege." Vincent's Nearchus, p. 230. 2nd edition. Ería, rá. Cibaria, Cibi, præsertim farinacei. Tos, ou, ô, 1. Frumentum. 2. Cibus quilibet, præsertim farinaceus. Schweighæuser, Lex. Herodot. How the 500 beasts passed the wall and mound of the Isthmus remains to be explained.

'OréшVES. According to Schweighæuser's Lexicon, Famuli armigeri, Pedissequi. That these men are not the same as those who accompanied the convoy is very evident: neither can they be the 1000 Lacedæmonians whom we left at Megara, nor a detachment of the slaves. Who then were they, and what were their numbers?

2 Herodotus, lib. viii. c. 71. They all worked day and night.

those of former days; yet even then Attica drew its chief supplies from Pontus. Peloponnesus is not mentioned as sending corn to a market so ready and so near.' Is it not enough to suppose that 110,000 Greeks, when assembled in Bœotia, drew their supplies from Peloponnesus by means which any other nation would have found inadequate, without supposing also that the moneyless 50,000 troops of Sparta were, without delay, provisioned from the neighborhood of the Isthmus? That they were supplied from its neighborhood, if they were supplied at all, seems clear from what is now passing before our eyes. The high price of corn in England is drawing corn from the inland parts of Spain; and the blockade of the Dardanelles has obliged the Turks to get corn by land-carriage. The harvest in Spain has been abundant, and the price of corn is very low in the inland parts; but the expense of land-carriage will be very great, and the corn very dear to us the expense will be very great in Turkey also.

In defiance of our own experience, shall we maintain that the Peloponnesians exerted themselves to collect corn for those who had no money to pay for it?

It is true that in his first expedition Don Quixote thought that knight-errants were to travel scot-free; but he was convinced by the reasoning of the inn-keeper, and provided himself with money when he next sallied forth. We have allowed the Lacedæmonians to march to Tempe and back, and to maintain a navy without any visible means of defraying the expense: let us he content with this romancing, lest in our liberality to the Lacedæmonians we should starve the Athenians, who, crowded as they are in the little isle of Salamis, and driven a second time from their own country, must also procure their supplies from Peloponnesus.

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Herodotus is consistent in his extravagance: there is so far method in his madness, that a campaign which began with wonders is continued and finished in like mauner. "Mardonius," says Mitford, seems to have been naturally disposed to extraordinary things." His conduct on the present occasion was indeed most extraordinary. As the son-in-law of the warlike Darius, and as commander of the army which subdued the Brygian Thracians,

1 "For you well know that of all places we are the most dependent on foreign supplies of corn. Now the corn which is imported from Pontus equals, or rather exceeds in quantity, all that comes to us from other markets." Demosthenes against Leptines. The translation is taken from the Museum Criticum.-"Some ships, carrying corn from the Euxine for Ægina and Peloponnesus, were stopped by the Persian officers in the Hellespont. Xerxes directed that they should be suffered to proceed on their voyage: For,' said he, we are going to the same country, and the corn may be useful to us.' "Mitford from Herodotus, lib. vii. c. 147.

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to help out this lame argument you produce two quotations. The first is, "In essence therefore they are one." Itaque substantia unum sunt." You translate it, these [three] are one. Why add, these without warrant from your original? Or why add three, though, I own, you distinguish it from the words of your author? Is it necessary to the sense? Or must the words unum sunt, whenever and wherever they are applied to the Trinity, be always meant for a direct quotation of 1 John v. 7.? You are then blamably negligent in not increasing your orthodox witnesses with Marius Victorinus, whom you might have found quoted by Bengelius in the same paragraph with Marcus Celedensis. The second testimony of Jerome you produce from his explanation of faith to Cyrillus : "To us there is one Father, one Son-and one Holy Ghost-and these three are one." But after reading a page, we find, that the quotation of which you here make a present to Jerome, belongs to Marcus Celedensis. Whether it belongs to him, I know not. It is only a conjecture of the learned from an epistle of Jerome's to Marcus Celedensis, in which he uses these words: "De fide, quam dignatus es scribere sancto Cyrillo, dedi conscriptam fidem." Hence you argue, p. 168, that Jerome approved of Marcus's creed, and wrote another of his own. Let it be supposed, to save trouble, that Marcus is the real author of this creed, and that Jerome intends the same. How could Jerome suspect, that these words were meant for a quotation of scripture, without his friend's dropping the least hint of it? Marcus Celedensis only explains his own doctrine; which he does not profess to do in the words of scripture. Besides, your argument takes for granted that Jerome examined all the quotations with scrupulous minuteness; a task to which, I believe, very few friends or readers submit. But when Jerome came to this passage, which bears no mark of a quotation, he must have been the prince of conjurers to have divined his correspondent's intention. In short, Sir, the creed addressed to Damasus is universally acknowleged not to be Jerome's; and if it were his, our verse is not quoted in it.

The creed ascribed to Marcus Celedensis does not refer to the verse, and, if it did, would signify nothing in the dispute about Jerome. However, you are perfectly consistent in defending a spurious reading by spurious authorities.

But the weightiest evidence remains, the Prologue to the Canonical Epistles. At the request or command of Pope Damasus, Jerome revised the Latin translation, and corrected it on the faith of the Greek Mss. Did he therefore replace the three heavenly witnesses at this revision, or not? If he did, why did he not then write his preface to inform the world of his recovered reading? But after Damasus was dead, Eustochium, it seems, a young lady, at once devout, handsome, and learned, requests him once more to revise the Catholic epistles and correct them from the