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his resistance to it would at least prevent his being carried away before it.* He accordingly moved, though with

Mr. Pery's introduction to his motion is so illustrative of the history of his country at this critical period, that the reader will thank me for subjoining it. 2 Cald. p. 578. “I have greater reason to hope for success in my present “proposal, than in any that I have yet made, for it is a proposal to do what his majesty has, in the most gracious and emphatical manner, recommended "to be done in his speech from the throne, the practice of economy, and the "reduction of our debt." The words of the speech are these, "The situation "of public affairs will permit a very considerable diminution of the public expence, and I am only to thank you for your past efforts, without again having recourse to the experienced liberality of parliament, I have nothing to "ask but a continuance of the supplies, for the support of the ordinary estab"lishment, which, it is hoped, will not exceed the produce of the ordinary "revenue, and I recommend to you a proper attention to the reduction of the "public debt." I am sorry there should be any occasion to enforce an address, with which it is so manifestly both our interest and duty to comply, yet certain it is, that we have so far neglected it, that a conduct directly opposite to that here recommended has already brought us to the verge of ruin, and, if con tinued, will plunge us to the bottom. That I may not appear to create evils, which I do not find, I shall represent the present situation of this country by a series of facts, too notorious not to be believed, and too formidable not to be feared; by which it will appear, that we have tamely and silently acquiesced in the violation of these assurances, and totally neglected this advice. We have been so far from being relieved from the burthen of taxes, which, when they were indispensably necessary, we were little able to bear, that an unexpected requisition of supplies has been made with a long train of pensions, which exceed the expence of all other branches of the civil establishment, by above forty-two thousand pounds. The number of military officers is encreased, not only far beyond what it has ever been in time of peace, but even beyond what it has ever been during the most dangerous war. We have two more regiments of dragoons, and four regiments of foot, more than ever; besides four old regiments of horse; the expence of general officers is encreased no less than thirteen thousand pounds a year, though there were not a sufficient number of them in this kingdom, to attend the last reduction of forces; the expence of the ordnance is, in two years, swelled from ten thousand six hundred pounds, to above forty-five thousand pounds, though the whole artillery of the kingdom is not equal to the ordnance of a frigate of thirty guns, and every other branch of the civil and military establishment is encreased nearly ia the same proportion, so that the expence of the nation for these two years appears, by the most exact calculation, to exceed its whole revenue more than three hundred and fourteen thousand pounds, which deficiency being added to the national debt, we must at the next meeting of parliament owe more than one million. It appears also by calculation, that the present establishments in time of peace exceed the establishments during the last war more than ninetyseven thousand pounds. Let us now, sir, pause a moment, and consider what we have been doing; and how we have availed ourselves of a situation of affairs, which admits a considerable diminution of the public expence; how we have fulfilled his majesty's gracious admonition to attend to the reduction of our public debt? We have granted all the supplies, that have been demanded for the support of these establishments, however unsuitable to the circum. stances of the kingdom, however unsupportable to the people, however contrary to the declarations from the throne, however incompatible with an attention graciously recommended from it. Let our zeal and affection for his majesty be our apology, and an unlimited confidence in his goodness be our praise; but let us at least apprize him of the sacrifice we have made; let es with all humility represent the danger we have incurred; let us solicit his protection, and though we have given up our all, and even more than our all, he will not keep it to our destruction. We have read of a prince, who, when

his usual want of success, that an humble address should be presented to his majesty on the state of the nation, and respecting the encreased expence of the civil and military establishments; and as that address contains an authentic statement of the real situation of Ireland at that time, it follows in the very words of the motion: "I move that an humblea ddress be presented "to his majesty, to acknowledge with the utmost gratitude his "majesty's most gracious acceptance of our past services. To assure his majesty of our firm resolution to pursue such measures, as shall tend most to promote the real interest and honour of the crown. To express the general satisfaction and joy, with which his majesty's most gracious declaration com"municated by his excellency the lord lieutenant to both houses "of parliament at the opening of the session was received, viz. "That by the conclusion of a general peace we were at length "relieved from those burthens, which were unavoidable during a war. That the situation of public affairs would permit a very considerable diminution of public expence, that nothing was to be asked, but the continuance of supplies for the support of the ordinary establishments, and that his majesty "thanked us for our past efforts, without again having recourse "to the experienced liberality of parliament.".... That from these "assurances, we drew the most flattering expectations of reduc"ing the national debt, and relieving the impoverished people "from the burthen of those taxes they were so little able to "bear: but that these pleasing hopes were soon blasted by the "unexpected requisition of supplies, to support a civil establish66 ment, loaded with a long train of pensions, the amount of "which, exclusive of the French and military, exceeded the

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expence of all the other branches of the civil establishment, in "the sum of 42,627l. 19s. 2d. many of which were publicly "bought and sold in the market. That the number of officers (6 upon the military establishment is encreased, not only far beyond what it ever was in time of peace, but even beyond "what it was in the time of the most dangerous war, and would, "under any reign but that of his majesty, raise just apprehen"sions for the constitution, not only of this kingdom, but that "of Great Britain. That instead of six regiments of dragoons he was fainting with thirst, and water was brought him at the risk of life, refused to drink it, "God forbid (said he) that I should drink the blood of these men;" can we then imagine that our gracious sovereign will drink the blood of this nation, that he will use his power, which he has derived from the ardour of our affection to our ruin? Our duty both to him, and ourselves, requires that we should at least apprize him of what we have done, that we may not be left to perish, merely because our danger was not known, nor suffer by a sacrifice, of which the value to us is infinite, but to him, who receives it nothing, for ultimately his glory and prosperity is ours.

7 Com. Journ. p. 255.

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"and twenty-six of foot, (the most ever before seen in this "kingdom) there are eight regiments of dragoons, and thirty of "foot, besides the four old regiments of horse. That the expence of general officers is raised from 30,000%. in two years to 45,000l. though there was not sufficient number of them in the "kingdom to attend the last reduction of the forces. That the expence of the ordnance is swelled from 10,600/. in two years แ to 45,070/. independent of its extraordinary charges, which " are very considerable, though the whole artillery of this king"dom is not equal to the ordnance of one of his majesty's ships "of thirty guns. That every branch of the military and civil "establishment is advanced nearly in the same proportion. "That from principles of duty and affection to his majesty, we "granted the supplies which were demanded from us in his majesty's name, for the support of these several establishments, however insupportable to the people. But though "the warmth of our zeal and affection for his majesty induced "us thus liberally to grant those supplies, our duty to him and "those we represent will not permit us to conceal from his "majesty or the public the real state and condition of this king"dom, which we shall lay before his majesty with all humility, "and cast ourselves at his majesty's feet, to implore his royal protection against his ministers. That the expence of the present military establishment amounts in two years to the 66 sum of 980,955l. 19s. The civil establishment to 242,956/ "10s. 9d.; to which must be added at the most moderate 66 computation 300,000l. for extraordinary and contingent expen"ces of government. That these sums added together amount "to the sum of 1,523,912/. 9s. 9d. That to answer this expence, the whole revenue of this kingdom, the additional as well as hereditary duties, exclusive of the loan duties, “which are but barely sufficient to pay the interest of 650,000!. "the present national debt, amount to the sum of 1,209,864, "at a medium for fourteen years; so that the expence of the "nation for these two last years, must exceed its whole revenue "in a sum of 314,248/. 98. 9d. which deficiency being added to "the national debt, must leave this kingdom at the next meet"ing of parliament near 1,000,000/. in debt. That the highest establishment we ever had in time of peace in this kingdom, were those in the two years ending in March 1755, and yet "the present establishment exceeds them in the sum of 283,028. 9s. 9d. That during the late expensive war, the establish"ments amounted at a medium, only to the sum of 1,125,790. "for two years, so that the present establishments in a time of peace, exceed the establishments in the last war in the sum of 97,522l. 98. 9d. That we have already contracted a new debt

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"debt of 100,000l. though we expected to have discharged part "of the old. That the imports, exports, and home consump"tion of this kingdom are already taxed to the utmost they can "bear. That any addition to these taxes, instead of encreasing, "must lessen the revenue. That nothing now remains to be "taxed but our lands, which are already loaded with quit-rents, crown rents, composition rents, and hearth money. That if "the present establishments are to continue, the debt of the "nation must constantly increase, and in the end prove the utter "ruin of the kingdom. That such is the true, but melancholy "state of this country, which nothing but his majesty's most gracious declarations, signified to us by his excellency the "lord lieutenant, could have given us confidence to have laid "before him, and which we do, that his majesty may judge "how far his most benevolent intentions have been pursued. "That we presume not to point out any particular method of "redress, fully persuaded as we are, that when his majesty shall "have been thus fully informed of our real circumstances, his "wisdom, his justice, his humanity, will not permit the utter "ruin of a dutiful, a loyal, an affectionate people."

In tracing, combining, and reflecting upon the events, which fall to the lot of the historian to retail in their order and succession, it is often impracticable to deduce particular effects from their real causes. The great mass of the people in Ireland, the Roman Catholics, who by their exemplary forbearance and unsullied loyalty since the revolution, had not only borne up against the severest persecution, but defeated the keenest provocation, were thereby secured in the affections and confidence of all impartial and unprejudiced Protestants: and the eminently paternal indulgences of our gracious sovereign to that body forbid us to harbour a doubt, whether his Irish Catholic subjects did not ever possess an extraordinary share of his royal tenderness and affection. But there then was, and it is feared, still is in Ireland, a certain description of persons, (it would be little flattering to the established church to admit them in any manner into their pale, by calling them Protestants) whose innate acrimony and vindictive cruelty, hold the place of humanity, sympathy, and Christian charity: who professed themselves at all times enemies by principle, and persecutors by disposition of their Catholic countrymen: these were ready instruments in the hands of the ambitious prelate, to whose intrigues Lord Clare attributed all the party heats and animosities, that so long disturbed and degraded their parliamentary proceedings. As long as Primate Stone lived, he pursued the Machiavelian policy of keeping the Irish a divided people, and by that wicked sys

Ile died the 19th of December, 1764.

tem of supporting the English interest by reducing each party beneath the court party; to encrease which he set œconomy, delicacy, and justice at defiance. To the prevalence therefore of his influence, is to be attributed the failure of the first modest effort in favour of the Catholics, during the present reign.

On the 25th of November, 1763, Mr. Mason rose in his place and reminded the house, that in the last session of parliament,*

One laments that the journals of parliament are to be so little relied on, when matter relating to the Catholics is the subject of entry. My former remarks on that subject are confirmed, but not explained by this unaccountable omission to notice the passing of that bill, upon a division in the last session, or of Mr. Mason's notice to bring in similar heads of a bill for the same purpose on a future day. In this particular, it is wholly improbable, that Sir James Caldwell should not be accurate in his report of this matter (2 vol. p. 511) as he had entered so deeply into the question, as to have published a pamphlet of great acrimony against it, entituled A brief Examination of the Question, whether it is expedient either in a Religious or Political View to pass an Act to enable Papists to take Real Security for Money which they may lend. So anxious was this knight for the success of his pamphlet in prejudicing the minds of the public against the heads of the bill, that he published it only at eight o'clock in the evening of the Saturday preceding the Monday, on which the heads of the bill were appointed to be taken into consideration: too late certainly for a question of that importance to the nation to be fairly replied to, had it been the wish of the author to have the question impartially canyassed. The pamphlet was a hasty and virulent compilation of all the calumnies, that had been thrown upon the Catholics, since Protestants existed; with a most barefaced invention of his own, that the pope's legate, who always resides in Ireland, had interdicted seven Roman Catholic bishops, for having, when the insurrections of the White Boys were at the highest, ordered his majesty to be prayed for in all the Roman Catholic chapels of their dioceses, and that these seven bishops had sent in a paper to the lord lieutenant to complain of this legatine interdict, and that they afterwards entreated the lord lieutenant to return their paper, which his excellency refused. There had been no pope's legate or any person vested with legatine authority in Ireland for above a century: and it is matter of notoriety, that the king was prayed for in every Roman Catholic chapel throughout Ireland: nor did one of the whole body of Catholic bishops refuse to concur with the rest in enjoining this duty to their flocks: nor was any such paper presented to Lord Halifax, that could by the most artful malice be distorted into an instrument of the tendency, which that over zealous knight had imagined. Besides this incredible fiction, he hazarded a most malicious assertion, which the experience of all times falsifies: viz. that no Papist has ever as yet been known to take the oath of allegiance; when it was notorious, that the Roman Catholic gentlemen of Ireland did take the oath of allegiance to King William and Queen Mary, which was all they required of them as a test of their fidelity: and which they most religiously observed, as has been seen. This active knight discovered the most dreadful consequences, and predicted the infallible ruin to the constitution, if Papists were by law enabled to have real security for their money lent: not reflecting at the same time, that for the space of fifty years, during which the Catholics had invested money on real securities and sued out elegits, it never had been doubted, till lately, that they had not a legal right so to do: and more especially, as many of the legislators of the laws of Anne were then living, many of them gentlemen at the bar, and some of them, after the passing of those laws, judges on the bench, who should naturally be well able to interpret those laws, and it is to be presumed would not have permitted them to be so misunderstood and violated. This knight was one of the instruments privately used by Primate Stone to prevent any precedent being set of a relax