peril or distress. He wished every person out of it, who turned his thoughts to the subject, would look at it fairly, and consider it without partiality or prejudice, not upon a narrow or contracted, but upon a liberal and extensive scale. It was a duty every man owed his country, to look attentively and gravely to our present situation, and to reflect, that as the superlucration of all the commerce of Ireland, let it arise from the profit of which branch of trade it might, would necessarily centre in the seat of empire; if not the whole, at least much the greatest part, and might be well estimated as forming a part of the accumulating wealth of Great Britain.

Such was the happy temper now prevailing, that no opposition was given to these resolutions, the firm measure of a six months money bill; the non-importation agreement and the armed associations had produced a wonderful change in the public mind throughout Great Britain with reference to the affairs of Ireland. Bills founded on the two first propositions were accordingly brought in, passed both houses with the utmost facility, and received the royal assent before the recess. The third being more complex in its nature, requiring a variety of enquiry, and being subject to several limitations and conditions, was suffered to lie over during the ensuing holidays in its state of an open proposi tion, not only to afford time for consideration in England, but for acquiring a knowledge of the effect, which the measure was likely to produce in Ireland.

To such an alarming crisis was the political state of Ireland now brought, that the people began to look up to the armed association for redress, rather than to their representatives in parlia ment. But hitherto, these bodies having acted only in detached companies, knew not their own strength. They found it neces sary for their grand project, to form themselves into regular battalions, and establish a system of communication with each other. Long had the original cause, or occasion of the volunteers arming in self defence against a foreign enemy, been sunk into the more interesting object of asserting their constitutional independent rights, and procuring a free and open trade for their country. As far back as at the close of the year 1778, the armed associations in Ireland were computed to amount to 30,000 men: and they had been increasing from that period: they clad and armed themselves voluntarily; they cheerfully learned the use of arms, and freely submitted to the most exemplary discipline: but their transcendent attention was to instil into each other an uniformity of political sentiment and determination not to quit their arms, till they should have accomplished the complete liberation of their country from the sovereignty of the British parliament. In the beginning of the year 1780, they entered

upon the plan of general organization: they appointed reviews for the ensuing summer; and chose their exercising officers and reviewing generals; and thus the foundation of Irish union was laid. They now openly declared their opinions upon the state of public affairs; and the newspapers teemed with resolutions of the different corps, all in unison declaring, that Ireland was an independent kingdom, and fully entitled to all the uncontrouled rights, privileges, and immunities of a free constitution: that no power on earth but the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, could make laws to bind them: and that they were ready with their lives and fortunes to resist the usurpations and encroachments of any foreign legislature. Such were at this period the universal sentiments of the Irish people, if the will of a people can be known. The government, and their parliamentary majority, were alarmed at, and consequently inimical to the propositions. Mr. Grattan, however, on the 19th of April, 1780, after a most animated speech, moved, that the house should resolve and enter on its journals, "That no power on earth, save "the king, lords and commons of Ireland, had a right to make "laws for Ireland." After a most interesting debate, that lasted till six o'clock in the morning, in which every man but one, acknowledged its truth, either expressly, or by not opposing it, Mr. Flood, who well knew that the ministerial members were committed to negative the motion, if it came to a division, recommended, that no question should be put, and no appearance of the business entered on the journals; to which Mr. Grattan consented.

Upon the appearance of some active sincerity in the Britishcabinet and parliament, the Irish House of Commons proceeded to take into serious consideration, the regulations necessary to place the commerce of that kingdom on a footing of stability and advantage. It is characteristic to that nation, to be prodigally grateful for benefits even intended. The supplies were granted for a year and a half longer; and 260,000l. were ordered to be raised by treasury bills, or by a lottery, as the lord lieutenant should direct. On presenting the money bills, to which his excellency gave the royal assent, Mr. Pery, the speaker of the

This was the first time that the expedient of a lottery, to aid the raising of the loan, was resorted to in Ireland. Two hundred thousand pounds being wanted, a lottery, consisting of 42,000 tickets, was proposed, 40,000 of those were paid for at five pounds each; and one ticket given as a douceur, to every subscriber for twenty. Debentures, bearing interest at four per cent. for 210,000l. were ordered to be made out for the payment of the prizes; and it being necessary to borrow 140,000/. more, treasury bills, for the first time, were ordered to be issued, at an interest of three-pence per day for each 1Q07. being 47. 11s. 3d. per cent. per annum.

House of Commons,* made a speech to the lord lieutenant, which was highly satisfactory to all parties, for which the house thanked him, and desired him to print it.

Notwithstanding the general elation of the Irish upon the flattering prospect of a free trade, their joy was but of short duration: upon maturer consideration, the generality of the commercial interest in Ireland was dissatisfied with the proposed system of equalizing the duties between the sister kingdoms, and the British ministry was so imprudent at that time, as to irritate and inflame the distrust and disaffection, that had so long rankled in the public mind of Ireland, which then, with arms in her hands, had earnestly turned her thoughts to the assertion of her independent

* 10 Journ. Com. p. 142. The speech was to the following effect: "The Right Honourable Mr. Speaker's Speech to his Excellency John Earl "of Buckinghamshire, Lord Lieutenant General, and General Governor "of Ireland.

"MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

"During the vicissitudes of a foreign, and still more dangerous, civil war, which has wasted a great extent of the British "empire, it has been the peculiar felicity of this nation to preserve the public "tranquillity: and though long depressed by the narrow policy of former "times, still to retain such vigor, and at the same time such temper and cau"tion, as animated it to claim, with honest confidence, its rights; and yet "restrained it from transgressing the bounds of its duty, or hazarding the "loss of that inestimable blessing, the British constitution. To this state of "union and moderation, unexampled in any age, or in any country, under "similar circumstances; to your excellency's judicious conduct and faithful representations; to his majesty's benevolent disposition and tender concern for the sufferings of his people; to the wisdom of his minister, however questioned in some instances, in this acknowledged by all; to his resolution " and constancy in combating established habits and rooted prejudices; and "to the justice and generosity of the British nation, must be ascribed the "happy restoration of that equitable system of equality in commerce, which "has silenced, I trust for ever, those pernicious suspicions and jealousies, "which lately threatened the peace of both kingdoms. But, whatever ad46 vantages this change in our condition may promise, it will avail us little if it "inspires false hopes and vain expectations of sudden affluence; the future prosperity of this kingdom will depend upon our industry and economy, public as well as private, the effects of which, though certain and perma"nent, are ever gradual and slow; and unless our expenses are regulated by "our acquisitions, disappointment will be our portion, and poverty and dis"tress must be the consequence of our conduct. Notwithstanding these con"siderations, and the reduced state of this kingdom, the commons have granted to his majesty much larger supplies than in any former session; they "have borrowed a sum of 610,000l. to discharge the arrears of the establish"ments; and in order to provide against any future deficiency, they have made 64 an addition to the revenue, estimated at above 150,000l. a year. Nor have "they been less attentive to the interests of the people, than to the honour of "the crown. The public good has been the object to which all their efforts "have been directed; and their conduct through the whole of this session, "has alike entitled them to the confidence of their sovereign, and of their "constituents; and will leave to all future parliaments a memorable and in"structive example of fortitude, moderation, and wisdom."

constitutional rights. The bill for punishing mutiny and desertion in the army for a limited time, had been transmitted, as usual, and was returned with the most alarming alteration from the English privy council: it was made perpetual: and very material alterations were also made in one of the commercial bills relating to the article of sugars. Provocation and harshness to Ireland were now peculiarly ill-timed. Discontent and resentment ran through the kingdom. The borough of Newry presented a petition to the House of Commons, stating, that the petitioners had heard with deep concern of alterations then said to have been made in the bill for laying a duty of twelve shillings per hundred weight on imported refined sugars; and also in the bill for the better regulation of the army: that the duty of twelve shillings appeared to be the lowest, that could possibly be admit ted, with the appearance of justice to that country; and that a perpetual bill for the regulation of the army, or of any other duration than from session to session, was a daring attack on the constitution of both countries. That they humbly prayed, that, by an equal distribution of justice, the mutual cordiality between Great Britain and Ireland might be ensured; and the necessity for that country to resolve to consume her own manufactures only, might be removed; and that a parliamentary army might be maintained in Ireland, regulated upon principles such as Great Britain could approve of, and Ireland submit to. Several other petitions were also presented to the like purport.

On the 16th of Aug. 1780, the House of Commons resolved itself into a grand committee, to take into consideration the altered mutiny bill. It was contended, in support of that measure, that if parliament had an intention to preserve the peace of Ireland, they must pass the bill in its present state. That as long as parliament held the purse of the nation, they could, by refusing to pay, annihilate the army. That the hereditary revenue never could be applied to the payment of the army, because it would destroy itself in the very ends it should be employed for. That if the king were granted the liberty of raising an army, he should also have the perpetual power of regulating that army.

On the other side it was argued, that the present bill tended to the subversion of all public liberty. That it would not be wise to grant to the crown a dictatorial power over fifteen thousand men for ever. That it was the wish of the kingdom to be governed by its own laws. That they considered the power of originating this very act as a declaration of rights: they were consequently contending with the minister of Great Britain, not for any concession, which might wound the interest or pride of the English, but for a measure, which would bring every man in Britain on their side, as they could not wish to see the power of

the crown rendered so dangerous to the constitution of both kingdoms, with a perpetual army, which might invest his majesty with too great an influence over the laws; and that any articles of war, which the king might hereafter make, would be articles of war for that kingdom; for the act extended power over all his majesty's forces, by which means Ireland would be under the controul of an English statute, and the kingdom would become a place of arms.

The debates on this subject continued till near midnight. Sir Henry Flood took a principal part on the side of government, who carried the question by a majority of 69 against 25, and the bill was passed. This, together with the circumstances respecting the sugar bill, increased the public discontent; and several resolutions were entered into at different public meetings, that were assembled on this occasion. Amongst others, a meeting of the merchants' corps of volunteers was convened at the Royal Exchange, Dublin, when the following resolutions were passed, and ordered to be printed in the public papers.

"Resolved, That the late decisions of the House of Commons, "(so destructive, in our opinion, to the constitutional rights, and "injurious to the commercial interests of this kingdom) demand "the most serious attention of every Irishman.

"Resolved, That we consider their consent to the mandate of "the British minister, by which the bill for the regulation of the army is made perpetual, and the controul thereof for ever vested "in the hands of the crown, as a subversion of the constitution, "and a stab to the liberty of the subject.

"Resolved, That considering the army of this kingdom as a body of men embarked in the cause of their country, and equal"ly entitled with ourselves to the protection of its legislature, we "cannot but feel for their situation, who, by this law are in danger of being made, at a future day the unwilling instruments of despotism, to violate the liberties of Ireland.

"Resolved, That we consider the compliance of that house with "the alteration made in the sugar bill by the English privy coun"cil reducing the proposed duty on lump sugars, as an overthrow "to the refinery of this kingdom, and a total obstruction to the "extension of its manufactures, by an export to the British colo"nies and West-Indies.

“Resolved, That we will concur with the volunteer corps of "this kingdom, and the rest of our fellow subjects, in every ef "fort which may tend to avert the dangers we are threatened "with.

"Resolved, That the strenuous, though unsuccessful efforts, of "the minority of the House of Commons, in defence of the con