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Ireland in all cases whatsoever as well as America*. Mr. Fox observed, that it was certainly proper to include Ireland in all the debates upon American taxation, in order to ascertain the parliamentary right of taxation over every part of the British empire.

As Great Britain never hitherto had been known to overflow with liberality and kindness to her sister kingdom, it becomes proper to trace the true and genuine sources, out of which this new disposition to favour Ireland arose. The differences between America and her mother country had now broken into open war. Most of the leading members of the opposition in both countries (who afterwards composed that administration, which put an end to the American war) opposed the war upon principle: they inveighed against the unconstitutional exactions of the ministry, and in their debates went very little short of formally justifying the American rebellion. The analogy be tween America and Ireland was too close to pass unnoticed; and the defection of the American colonies produced strong effects upon Ireland. The exportation of Irish linen for America had been very considerable; but now this great source of national wealth was totally shut up, by an extraordinary stretch, of prerogative. Under the pretext of preventing the Americans

1 Par. Deb. p. 19. "The kingdom of Ireland (said Governor Johnstone), "within our own dominion, is a proof of what these learned gentlemen assert "to be impossible. A worthy member, in my eye, being pressed with this "argument in the last session of parliament, from the fairness of his mind, "avowed, as his opinion, that we could tax Ireland. I remember there were "some gentlemen in the gallery when this declaration was made, whom I "immediately perceived by the contortions in their countenance to be Irish "members, Next day the worthy member chose to make some apology to "his friends. He said, no parallel could be drawn between Ireland and the "colonies; for Ireland had a paraphernalia; and this satisfied both the English "and Irish members. For my part, I do not see what difficulty can occur, in "leaving the different colonies on the same footing of raising money by requi"sition, as from the people of Ireland. Lord Clare (Nugent) jocularly com"plimented Mr. Rigby on the exceeding popularity, reverence, and esteem, "that gentleman was held in by the whole Irish nation; that there was no man " in England or Ireland more loved or revered. Mr. Rigby said, he acted in "that country as secretary to the lord lieutenant; which, on many accounts "was rather an invidious and critical situation; that the sentiments now "alluded to, he maintained upon general principles; that his opinion was not "singular, for he was supported in it by a statute passed in the reign of George "the First: that he begged to be understood, according to the obvious con"struction of that statute; and that, according to that sense of it, he still con"tinued to be of opinion, that the legislature of Great Britain had a right to "make laws to bind Ireland, and all the other members and dependances of "the British empire. Sir William Mayne drew a melancholy picture of the "sufferings of the Irish; said that all promises had been shamefully broken "with them; that pensions to the amount of 10,000l. per annum had been "lately granted on that miserable, ruined and undone country; and that the "castle was an asylum to every needy, servile, cringing apostate, that would "bow the knee, and barter every thing which should be dear to him, for " emolument and court favour,

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from being supplied with provisions from this country, an embargo was laid on the exportation of provisions from Ireland, which, in prejudicing that kingdom, served only to favour the adventures of British contractors. This embargo, combined with other causes, which were invariable and permanent, produced the most melancholy effects. Wool and black cattle fell considerably in value, as did also land; and rents in many places could scarcely be collected; so much was public credit essentially injured. It has already been observed, that the parliament of Ireland had declared the general sense of the kingdom respecting its distressed situation, and the illiberal restrictions thrown on its commerce: it had even defended its constitutional privileges; and though the voice of the nation were only thus conveyed through the speech of the speaker of the House of Commons, the public mind was not unknown in Great Britain. As the American fisheries were now abolished, it became necessary to think of some measures for supplying their place, and particularly to guard against the ruinous consequences of the foreign markets either changing the course of consumption, or falling into the hands of strangers, and those perhaps inimical to Great Britain. The state of public affairs in Ireland it now seemed necessary to take some notice of, and to pay some greater considerations to her interests, than had been hitherto practised. The question between England and her colonies, particularly in the manner it had been argued, was not calculated to quiet the kingdom of Ireland: and the repose of such parts of the empire as were still at rest was never more necessary. In the crisis, to which matters were now evidently tending, little doubt remained, that every assistance would be requisite from Ireland; besides, her patience, her sufferings, and her forbearance, might be holden up as a mirror, in contrast to America: and though these merits had long passed unregarded, this did not seem a fit season to encourage an opinion, that a similar conduct would never obtain any reward. The nature of the benefit, however, was to be considered, and nothing could seem better adopted, than a donation, which would be an advantage instead of a loss to the giver. It was not itself very considerable, but it might be considered as a beginning; and small benefits carry weight with those, who have not been habituated to great favours. It had been shewn to the British parliament, that the exports from England to Ireland amounted then to 2,400,000l. annually; besides the latter supported a large standing army, at all times ready for the defence of the former; and immense sums of her ready cash were spent there by her numerous absentees, pensioners and placemen; yet by oppressive restrictions in trade, Ireland was cut off from the benefit of her great natural staple

commodity, as well as excluded from the advantage, which she might derive from the peculiarity of her situation.

The British minister on the 11th of October, 1775, moved for a committee of the whole house, to consider of the encouragement proper to be given to the fisheries of Great Britain and Ireland. This attention to Ireland was generally approved of, and after some conversation on the hardships that country suffered, it was proposed by Mr. Burke to extend the motion, by adding the words "trade and commerce ;" and thereby af ford an opportunity to grant such relief and indulgence in those exports, as might be done without prejudice to Great Britain. The minister objected to this; however, the committee in its progress granted several bounties to the ships of Great Britain and Ireland, for their encouragement in prosecuting the Newfoundland fishery; and it was farther resolved in favour of Ireland, that it should be lawful to export from thence, cloaths and accoutrements for such regiments on the Irish establishment, as were employed abroad: and also, that a bounty of five shillings per barrel should be allowed on all flax seeds imported into Ireland. This last resolution was passed, to prevent the evils, that were apprehended there, from the cutting off their great American source of supply in that article. Another resolution was also passed, by which Ireland was allowed to export provisions, hooks, lines, nets and tools for the implements of the fishery. The committee also agreed to the granting of bounties for encouraging the whale fishery, in those seas, that were to the southward of Greenland and Davis's Straits fisheries upon the same principle took off the duties, that were payable upon the importation of oil, blubber, and bone, from Newfoundland, &c. They also took off the duty, that was payable upon the importation of seal skins.*

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1 Parl. Deb. p. 436. Mr. Burke thanked his lordship (North) for the friendly disposition he had now shewn towards his (Mr. Burke's) native country; observing at the same time that however desirous he might be to promote any scheme for the advantage of Ireland, he would be much better pleased, that the benefits thus held out should never be realized, than that Ireland should profit at the expence of a country, which was, if possible, more oppressed than herself. Mr. Thomas Townshend condemned, in the most pointed terms, the narrow, weak, and ill-founded policy, which had directed the English councils in respect to Ireland, ever since that country had become a part of the British dominions; and recommended very warmly an enquiry into the state of Irish commerce and manufactures, in order that such of them as did not immediately interfere with those of Great Britain, might receive every possible encouragement consistent with the general interests of the whole cmpire. Mr. Conolly drew a very melancholy picture of the present state of Ireland, and recapitulated many instances of the eminent loyalty of that country, and of the repeated proofs she had given, for a series of years back, of her readiness to contribute much beyond her ability, to the common support. Besides the merits she had to plead on these grounds, he pointed out the absurdity of several of the restraints laid upon the Irish commerce;

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As soon as prudence would admit, after the lord lieutenant had called upon the gratitude of the Irish parliament for the favours granted by the English legislature, his excellency sent through his secretary, Sir John Blaquire, a message to the House of Commons to the following effect:

(" HARCOURT.)

"I have his majesty's commands to acquaint you, that the situation of affairs in part of his American do"minions is such as makes it necessary, for the honour and "safety of the British empire, and for the support of his majes"ty's just rights, to desire the concurrence of his faithful par"liament of Ireland, in sending out of this kingdom a force not "exceeding 4000 men, part of the number of troops upon this "establishment, appointed to remain in this kingdom for its de"fence; and to declare to you his majesty's most gracious in"tention, that such part of his army as shall be spared out of "this kingdom, to answer the present exigency of affairs, is not "to be continued a charge upon this establishment, so long as 66 they shall remain out of this kingdom. I am further com"manded to inform you, that as his majesty hath nothing more "at heart, than the security and protection of his people of Ire"land, it is his intention, if it shall be the desire of parliament, to replace such forces as may be sent out of this kingdom, by an equal number of foreign Protestant troops, as soon as his "majesty shall be enabled so to do; the charge of such troops "to be defrayed without any expence to this kingdom."

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The message having been referred to a committee, they resolved, that this force of 4000 men might at that juncture be spared, provided they were no longer a charge upon the establishment, than they remained in that kingdom. Upon which resolution being reported to the house, the patriots determined not to let an opportunity go by, without manifesting to their constituents their persevering attention to the rights and welfare of the nation. They saw through this first opening the gross inattention of the British cabinet to the internal defence and welfare of Ireland.

An amendment was accordingly proposed to be made to the resolution, by inserting after the word "Resolved," the following words, viz. "That having in consequence of his majesty's 66 gracious recommendation, and of our mature consideration of "the state of this country, repeatedly declared our opinion, that 12,000 men are necessary for the defence of this kingdom;

and endeavoured to shew that some of those were as unkind as impolitic; and that there were some branches of trade, particularly that to the Levant, which might be laid open, much to the advantage of both countries, and to the complete rivalship of the French.

"being sensible, that it would be a violation of the trust reposed "in us, should we have subjected our constituents to a very "heavy expence, in times of perfect tranquillity, for the purpose "of providing a force, which we are to part with in times of danger, and being convinced that since the time, at which "we first declared 12,000 men to be necessary, the probability "of a war has increased and not diminished; it is now the opi"nion of this house that"....

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This proposed amendment was negatived upon a division of 103 against 58. Yet much to the surprise and embarrassment of government, the second proposition of introducing foreign troops into that kingdom was negatived by nearly as large a majority as the first was carried; namely, by 106 against 68. The house accordingly voted an address to his excellency, expressive of their sense and resolution upon this subject.* This conduct of the Irish commons is of singular importance in the history of Ireland, inasmuch as it was the first patriotic step taken by the representatives of the people towards attaining that state of civil liberty, which was obtained by the nation in what Mr. Burke

9 Com. Journ. p. 223.

To his Excellency, Simon, Earl Harcourt, Lord Lieutenant General and General Governor of Ireland. The humble address of the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in parliament assembled.

"MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

"We his majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the commons of Ireland, in parliament assembled, deeply impressed with a sense "of the many blessings we enjoy under his majesty's government, humbly re"quest, that your excellency will be pleased to assure his majesty of our zeal "at all times for the support of his just rights, and for the honour and safety "of the British empire. That your excellency will be pleased to express the "ready and cheerful concurrence of his majesty's faithful commons in send"ing out of this kingdom a force not exceeding 4000 men, part of the troops "upon this establishment appointed to remain in this kingdom for its defence. “That your excellency will be pleased to assure his majesty, that we acknow"ledge his paternal regard to the ease and relief of this country, manifested "in his majesty's most gracious intention, that such part of his army as may "be sent out of this kingdom during the present exigency, shall not be con"tinued a charge upon this establishment, so long as they shall remain out of "this kingdom. That your excellency will be pleased to return his majesty "our most grateful thanks for his gracious declaration, that his majesty hath "nothing more at heart than the security and protection of his people of Ire"land, of which his majesty has given a signal proof, by his offer, if it shall be "the desire of parliament, to replace such forces as may be sent out of this kingdom, by an equal number of Protestant troops, the charge thereof to be "defrayed without any expence to this kingdom. And we entreat your ex"cellency, that you will be pleased to assure his majesty, that, fully sensible of "his majesty's benevolent attention to his faithful commons, after mature de"liberation, they have agreed not to desire that the 4000 troops, which may "be sent out of this kingdom in the present exigency, should be replaced, as "mentioned in your excellency's message; confiding in the vigilance and care "of government, and trusting, that with its assistance, his majesty's loyal "people of Ireland may be able so to exert themselves, as to make such aid at this juncture unnecessary."

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