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mentioned, indicate clearly that the provincial authorities, as well as the people, fully realize the importance of education in the national life of the new republic and are exerting every effort to develop the system of education both extensively and intensively.

At present the government and the people show a strong tendency to emphasize primary education. Some adjustments and combinations are being planned in higher education, and the money thus saved will be devoted to the establishment of more primary schools of both grades in order to hasten universal education, which is the goal of the new educational policy and is a problem which has loomed large in the minds of the Chinese statesmen and educators since the establishment of the republic. The charge has often been made to the effect that in introducing modern educational institutions, China made the mistake of starting at the top and building downwards, and in her anxiety for universities, high schools, and middle schools, she overlooked the importance of the primary schools. Assuming this charge to have been true, the mistake is now being remedied and primary education is now receiving the attention which it deserves.

One more important tendency remains to be noted. The statesmen and educators of China, realizing that manifold difficulties are still standing in the way to make education accessible to all, and that the stability of the republic is largely dependent upon the intelligence of its citizens, are now emphasizing the importance of popularizing education through means other than the school, such as newspapers, art galleries, theatres, public gardens, museums, libraries, zoological and botanical gardens, public lectures, and moving pictures. It is their belief that these quasieducational institutions will be able to exert a strong influence of educational value to the uneducated men and women as well as those children who are unable to go to school, and that through these institutions a mighty social revolution could be effected. Already movements to put these ideas into practice have been reported. Early in the spring of last year, the formation of the Social Reform Association

was announced. Among the organizers of that association are such distinguished men as Premier Tang; minister of navy, Liu; minister of education, Tsai; minister of agriculture and forestry, Sung; and others equally prominent in the political and educational life of the new republic. In an article announcing the formation of the said association, some thirty-six different social problems were given as reforms which, in the opinion of the association, should be vigorously advanced. In Kwangtung and several other provinces, the provincial educational authorities have appointed through competitive examination, a number of lecturers to give popular lectures on topics such as self-government, education, hygiene, and philanthropy. Attention has already been called to the fact that the present ministry of education has a bureau, known as the bureau of social education, the duty of which is to advance the whole movement, namely, to popularize education through quasi-educational institutions.

This treatment of the educational situation created by the revolution is necessarily incomplete. Perhaps enough has been said to indicate the fact that the work of reconstruction in education, as in other phases of China's national life, has already well begun and begun with a great determination to win. The problem of supplying educational facilities to China's millions is so gigantic in its scope and so complicated in its character, that it calls for not only the highest professional skill, but a great deal of enthusiasm, patriotism, and altruism for its successful solution. The system existing today, being still in its infancy, is naturally full of imperfections and has plenty of room for improvement, especially when it is compared with the systems of other enlightened nations, most of which have taken centuries of adjustment and toil before reaching their present stage of excellence, and even they still have some room for improvement. New China, however, is confident that given sufficient time she will be able to work out her own salvation in spite of the fact that the problem is fraught with difficulties. For the present she needs time to regain her breath from the shock which she experienced in the transition from monarchy

into republic. She needs time to consider what are the best elements in western education which could be utilized to her best interests, and what are the best elements in her own system which have proved best for China through the centuries of her history and which should be preserved with all vigor and tenacity. In short, she needs time to readjust herself to the new conditions which now surround her. Meanwhile, young China believes that help and coöperation from the educators of the West are not only highly desirable but in a way indispensable to a speedy success. For this reason she favors and welcomes every effort put forth by all well-wishers of China toward the solution of the problem and the attainment of the high ideal which she has set before her. From the teachers and educators of the West China expects to find sympathy and encouragement which come with the consciousness of a common purpose, and to gain, in no small measure, the inspiration of their highest ideals.


By C. Voonping Yui, M.D., of the Chinese Red Cross Society

It affords me great pleasure to relate my experiences in Nanking last year while I was doing Red Cross work. The outbreak of the revolution started at Wuchang in the central part of China on the tenth of October, 1911. In a short period of time, Hankow, Hangyang and Wuchang came into the possession of the revolutionists. But when the attack was directed against Nanking, much resistance was encountered and the city was not captured until many lives had been sacrificed.

There are two reasons to account for the difficulty in subduing Nanking. First, Nanking is a strongly fortified city; it has the advantage of being protected by a deep and wide moat and by a number of high hills which encircle it. Unlike ordinary city-walls in China, this wall around Nanking follows the course of the surrounding hills and is built of stones as well as of bricks. Such a solid construction naturally hinders opponents from coming in or near the city. The top of this massive structure, where I walked, is wide enough to accommodate six horses trotting abreast. The city of Nanking (literally South Capital), had been twice the capital of the Empire. It was the headquarters for the Taiping rebellion, another anti-Manchu outbreak of the country in 1850. The imperial army then besieged the city for over a year without success. At last, a subterranean tunnel was dug under the center of the city and then exploded by the imperialists. By this means was the city subdued. This happened about sixty years ago, and the Manchu government did not forget the painstaking work of conquering Nanking rebels. Consequently, the Tartar regiment of that city had been especially well organized and fully equipped with modern instruments of war. This is

one of the reasons why the revolutionists encountered hard bloody battles before success finally came.

Second, the city has a Tartar general and a Chinese general, namely Tieh Lian and Chang Shun. Both were as loyal and submissive to the Manchus as their slaves, and also as cruel and brutal as tyrants. It was reported that even the slightest suspicion of helping the revolutionists would result in decapitation through the order of these enthusiasts. During the revolution many helpless and innocent persons thus lost their lives in the city without specification of their crimes or discrimination of right from wrong according to law. When the country was everywhere teeming with revolutionary spirit, Chang Shun and his fellow officials still foolishly exerted their utmost energy to drill the army and the artillery and prepared to resist the invincible forces of the people. The imperial officers thus invited strong opposition.

For these two reasons, the people had to fight with all their might in order to bring back the laurels of triumph.

How did I happen to witness a part of the bloody scene? I was connected with Nanyang College, Shanghai, as a resident physician. I was then teaching a class in first aid. As soon as the revolution began in Shanghai, I organized a first aid corps, comprising twenty-four persons, some were my students, others my friends, and one was my brother. All aimed to carry on Red Cross work and all were volunteers supplying their own funds. Although my companions and I lacked experience in such work, we were enthusiastic. When the bad news of the recapture of Hankow by the imperialists reached Shanghai, we intended to start for that city. As many Red Cross members had done splendid work there, we found our services were more needed in Nanking where merciless fighting had already taken place. So we started for Nanking November 28, 1911, and met Bishop F. R. Graves, Dr. Geo. Deval, and Dr. Gaynor on our way. Besides the ordinary equipment such as dressings, blankets, stretchers, splints, hypodermics, etc., we brought along with us four big bales of clothing, consisting of underwear, coats and trousers which afterward proved

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