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content. A more serious criticism arises from the following incident. On page 292 the statement that "the war demonstrated to the army, to a Q.E.D., that the Filipinos are 'capable of selfgovernment,'" is supported by the following note: "Says General Chaffee in his annual report for 1902: 'The intelligent element controlled the ignorant masses as perfectly as ever a captain controlled the men of his company.' 999 But what General Chaffee really said was: "The intelligent men of the section controlled the ignorant masses, etc.," and in the same paragraph the nature of this "coercion of the uneducated and ignorant" is described. In other words, a statement describing conditions in the section (Batangas) is used to support a general contention. It is this control of the ignorant by the educated and the wealthy which, in the opinion of most observers, for the present, renders self-government in the sense of democratic government out of the question.

In order to prove the great destruction of life during the insurrection Mr. Blount twice makes the following statement, emphasizing the "awful fact that according to the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey Atlas of the Philippines of 1899, the population of Batangas Province was 312,192, and according to the American census of the Philippines of 1903 it was 257,715" (pp. 384; 597). Again we learn, from the report of the provincial secretary of Batangas, that "the mortality, caused no longer by the war, but by disease, such as malaria and dysentery, has reduced to a little over 200,000 the more than 300,000 inhabitants which in former years the province had." From these statements the following conclusion is drawn: "While we will never know whether Batangas did or did not lose one hundred thousand as a result of the war and its consequences, still, if it did, the other forty-nine provinces above mentioned must have lost as many more, that is to say, must have lost another hundred thousand. So that while it is all a matter of surmise, with nothing more certain to go on than the foregoing, it would really seem by no means absurd to assume the Filipino loss of life, other than on the battlefield, caused by the war, and the famine, pestilence, and other disease consequent thereon, at not far from 200,000 people."

Fortunately for the reputation of Mr. Blount's fellow countrymen there was something "more certain to go on" than the figures he cites. The figures used in the Atlas of 1899 were not compiled by the accurate and painstaking Coast and Geodetic Survey, they were taken from the hasty compilation of the Schurman Commission of 1899. The census of 1903 prints a comparison of its

figures with those of the Spanish censuses of 1887 and 1876, and from this we find Batangas, and certain other provinces, had shown a steady decrease in population: viz: Batangas, 1876, 331,874; 1887, 311,180; 1903, 257,715 (Census Philippine Islands, II, 20). In other words thirteen provinces showed a decrease between 1876 and 1887, and seven of them showed a further decrease in the next period. Batangas, therefore, instead of losing 100,000 people in two years, had merely continued her previous decline, with no appalling death rate due to the Insurrection. But Mr. Blount further tells us: "a comparison of the Atlas population tables above mentioned with the census tables of 1903 shows no very startling difference in the population of any of the other provinces of the archipelago before and after the war except Batangas" (p. 598). A comparison, however, does show such discrepancies as these: Samar, Atlas, 200,753; Census, 265,549; Pangasinan (the scene of severe fighting), Atlas, 304,000; Census, 394,516; Cebu, Atlas, 504,076; Census, 653,727. With but few exceptions every province shows a marked "difference," and in almost every one a favorable one. In other words, the evidence in support of the "awful fact" in Batangas might have been used, if other provinces had been cited, to prove the beneficence of American rule.

Mr. Blount's treatment of many of his former colleagues in the islands is quite indefensible. The most violent of his attacks is directed against Mr. Dean C. Worcester in a chapter entitled "Non-Christian Worcester." We are told that Mr. Worcester is "the direst calamity that has befallen the Filipinos since the Amercan occupation, neither war, pestilence, famine, reconcentration, nor tariff-wrought poverty excepted," he is described as "an overbearing bully of the beggar-on-horseback type," and he is said to be "very generally and very cordially detested by the Filipinos." Then follows a severe arraignment of Mr. Worcester's efforts in studying and caring for the non-Christian tribes under his jurisdiction.

The subject of this attack is the man who doubtless knows more about the Philippine Islands and their peoples than any other living authority; the only American who had traveled at all extensively in the islands during the Spanish régime; and the only one to hold a portfolio in the commission from its inauguration in 1900 to the present time. When one understands the services of Dean C. Worcester as secretary of the interior, charged with the supervision of such vital bureaus as health, quarantine service, forestry, science, weather, and lands, as well as of the non-Christ

THE JOURNAL of race deVELOPMENT, VOL. 4, NO. 4, 1914

ian tribes; when one realizes that much of the most creditable work of the American occupation is due to his knowledge of conditions and his trained judgment; then the reviewer feels sure that the tribute which Mr. Blount ascribes to President Taft, that Dean C. Worcester is "the most valuable man we have on the Philippine Commission" will be accepted as a more accurate appraisal than Mr. Blount's remarkable chapter.

With these statements concerning the matter and the manner of Mr. Blount's work, the reviewer would leave the opinions advanced by the author without comment. He agrees with Mr. Blount that a congressional statement regarding our ultimate aims in the islands should be made. He looks forward to an independent or a self-governing state there, but Mr. Blount's arguments have not convinced him of the preparedness of the Filipino peoples for self-government now or within eight years.


Facts of Reconstruction. By MAJOR JOHN R. LYNCH. New York: The Neale Publishing Co. 1913.

Facts of Reconstruction, a book written by Major John R. Lynch, has just been issued from the press of the Neale Publishing Company of New York. Major Lynch is peculiarly well fitted to write authoritatively of Southern reconstruction. During this pivotal period he served three terms in Congress from Mississippi, a state in which the colored citizen attained his highest political eminence. Subsequently he was fourth auditor of the treasury at Washington, and is now a retired major of the regular United States Army, and for forty years has been recognized and accepted as Southern political leader of national fame and reputation.

This book is perhaps the best contribution which has been made by any writer during recent years to the political literature of the reconstruction era. Only in two states of the South does the colored population exceed that of the white South Carolina and Mississippi. As the colored citizen acquired the greatest political distinction in Mississippi, the actual facts of the colored citizen's part in government in this state during reconstruction times, ought to give the key to the understanding of the whole Southern political situation. The book has a vital bearing upon the most urgent and pressing political problems of the South and the nation. Its chief merits lie in its intimate familiarity with the general and inside history of the country, and especially Mississippi and the

South, during the past forty odd years. Written in a lucid and conservative style, it contains a wealth of facts, which if read and understood by the country, would do much to adjust the present abnormal political situation in the South, and to correct many of the false and erroneous opinions, accepted throughout the nation concerning the Negro and the South.

In an interesting, instructive and illuminating manner, Facts of Reconstruction, not only answers the questions: Were the Southern reconstructed state governments a failure? Was the influence of the colored citizen in reconstruction injurious? Was the fifteenth amendment to the national Constitution premature and unwise? And was there any rational basis for the fear of "negro domination?", but it sets forth impartially and logically that group of facts which led so rapidly to the political decadence of the South, with all of its solid political opposition to a surrendering North. In connection with the above questions, the book is enhanced with a history of the different policies of reconstruction, the election and the influence of the surrender of Hayes, the causes for the defeats of Blaine, the reason for the failure of the civil rights bill, and the character of the numerous interviews of the author with such distinguished men as Presidents Grant and Cleveland and Messrs. Blaine, Lamar and Gresham, upon the important questions of the day.

But if the book had done nothing else than to show that in Mississippi, where the colored population exceeds the white and where the colored citizen reached highest in political power, the colored people had at no time more than 34 out of 140 members of the legislature, and participated in those reconstructed state governments which put Southern states in harmony with the national Constitution, repaired and rebuilt the public buildings and institutions devastated by war, and planned and organized the present Southern common school system-white and black alike—it would deserve a place in every library of the land.


In Freedom's Birthplace. By JOHN DANIELS. Boston: Houghton Mufflin Co. 496 p. $1.50.


In Freedom's Birthplace, John Daniels has presented to the public a searching and authoritative social study of the negro in Boston. The author brought to this important work the spirit of the investigator seeking the truth, and the scientific method of the student and the scholar. This book is the result of nine years study and

investigation, in connection with social settlement work in the negro-section of Boston, and is vitally important in the light which it throws upon the growing civic problems which the increasing numbers of the negro and race prejudice are forcing upon the great urban centers of the country.

Beginning with the significant services, rendered by the negro in the Revolutionary and Civil Wars, the book is replete with a wealth of carefully digested facts and information concerning the Boston negro's physical, economic, social, religious, moral and political progress. The disclosure of the author's remarkable insight and familiarity with so much inside data of negro life and character is partly explained by the author's acknowledged indebtedness to such intellectual colored leaders in Boston as William H. Lewis, Archibald H. Grike, William M. Trotter, Eliza Gardner and others mentioned.

Some of the distinctive merits of the book are its historical and descriptive style, and the closeness with which the writer adheres to conclusions well founded in the facts. Its value is greatly enhanced by a number of biographical sketches of prominent negroes in Boston, statistical tables prepared from the census, and a very convenient index. Logically, the chapter dealing with the economic side of the subject should come nearer the front of the book, rather than near the end, since the economic life is a more decisive and determining factor in the other phases of social activity.

Perhaps, the most serious criticism noted is the author's acceptance of the description of Southern reconstruction as given in the Encyclopædia Americana, by James Wilfred Garner, professor of political science in the University of Illinois. This statement of reconstruction is full of detail errors of fact, and the general view is so exaggerated as to amount to a gross misrepresentation of the historical situation, so ably set forth of Mississippi, by Major John R. Lynch in Facts of Reconstruction. In the author's conclusion his discussion of the causes of American race prejudice and the growing reasons for its ultimate decline are not only illuminating, but give hope and encouragement to the country for the solution of one of the most difficult and vexing problems confronting American culture and civilization. And in this thought, In Freedom's Birthplace is a valuable and scientific contribution to the sociological study of the American negro.


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