yet how often is the happiness of young hearts sacrificed, and virtuous unions forbidden, on a vague expectation of a higher offer? Nor are the influences of ambitious women on their husbands less injurious. It is a hard thing for a married statesman to be honest, if a coronet may be obtained by tergiversation. If "Nolo episcopari," was ever sincerely uttered, it must have been by a celibate clergyman.

Yet, although the desire of ruling is thus pernicious to feminine goodness, it by no means follows, that when Providence imposes the duty of ruling on a woman, she is to shrink from the responsibility. When the law of succession or the course of events throws dominion into a lady's hands, the same ordaining Power that makes the duty can qualify the person for its performance. There is no intellectual unfitness for sway in the sex and whatever of moral or physical weakness may pertain to it, may be more than compensated by fineness of tact, purity of inclination, and the strength of good resolve. Indeed, when we consider how few women have attained sovereignty, and how large a proportion of those few have been great sovereigns (we wish more of them had been good women), we might almost conjecture that the politic faculties of the women were greater than those of the men. But the apparent superiority arises from the greater necessity for exertion and circumspection which the sex imposes, and the impossibility of weak women, in dangerous junctures, keeping possession of the seat at all.

Are these reflections irrelevant to biography? We trust not. At least, they were freely suggested by the portrait of that noble lady, whose character we are about to depict. She was one who, with many disadvantages of time and circumstances, after enduring in no slight measure the sufferings to which

her sex is exposed from its dependency, during the long residue of her life, happily combined the graces and charities of the high-born woman, with the sterner qualifications of a ruler; the faith and hope of a Christian crowning and harmonising all. Her sway was little less than regal-we would rather say patriarchal; and long was she remembered in the vales of Westmoreland, and among the cliffs of Craven, as a maternal blessing.

As the name of Clifford has so long been connected with the "North Countree," and brings along with it so many historical, poetical, and romantic associations, we shall enter somewhat more than usual into the annals of the family, which, as they must have formed no small part of the education, so are they an important portion of the history of Lady Anne herself, who made a digest of the family records, with the assistance of Sir Matthew Hale. We regret to say, that from the specimen we have seen, the learned judge seems to have contrived to shed a sombre, judicial dulness over the composition. He was much more interested about the tenures, leases, and other legal antiquities, than about the wild adventures, loves, and wars of the ancient house. Some beautiful notices of the Cliffords are to be found in "Southey's Colloquies," a book that ought to be in every gentleman's and clergyman's library in the kingdom. In the happily balanced mind of Mr. Southey, the liveliest fancy serves to stimulate the most accurate research, and to give a vividness and reality to the past, which the mere historian, who is not also a poet, hardly wishes to bestow. For the facts which follow, we are mainly indebted to Dr. Whitaker's History of Craven.

The original seat of the Cliffords seems to have been in the Marches of Wales: they afterwards

acquired a princely property in Westmoreland. Robert, son of Roger de Clifford and of Isabella, co-heiress of the Viponts, born about 1274, was the first who connected the family with Yorkshire. "The situation of his estates on the confines of the Western Marches, the military character of his family, and the period of turbulence and war which followed the death of Alexander the Third of Scotland, contributed to form him for an active and strenuous life. He was only nine years old at the death of his father, and about thirteen at the demise of his grandfather Roger, a longlived and famous Baron in the reign of Henry the Third, and the earlier years of his son."*"From his infancy," saith Sir Matthew Hale, "he was educated in the school of war under King Edward I., as good a master for valour and prudence as the world afforded; for by the record of the plea of the 14th Edward I., it appears that when he was not above nineteen years of age, stetit in judicio regis juxta latus suum, the great business of the claim of the King of England to the superiority of Scotland being then in agitation, which doubtless was a time of high action, and fit to enter a young counsellor, courtier, and soldier. And this King, who well knew how to judge of men fit for action, was not wanting to supply this young lord with employments befitting the greatness and towardness of his spirit. And as it appears by the honours and possessions conferred upon him from time to time by this Edward, the wisest of English kings, so he retained the like favour with his son Edward of Carnarvon, who, in the first year of his reign, granted him the office of Earl Marshal of England. And by a fresh charter, dated at Carlisle 24th Sept. 25 regni sui, the King, having entered Scotland, and seized the lands of his opposers,

* Whitaker.

grants unto him and his heirs the Castle of Carlavrock, in Scotland, and all the lands thereunto belonging, which were Robert Maxwell's, and all the lands thereunto belonging, which were William Douglas's, the King's enemy's, upon Mary Maudlin's day, 26 Edw. I., at which time he (Douglas) was taken and imprisoned; and this was in satisfaction of 500l. per annum land in Scotland, with an agreement, if it did not arise to so much, it should be made good out of other lands in Scotland, and if not, to defaulk. But these acquisitions of land in Scotland were not such as our Robert could build much upon as they were gotten by power, so they could not be preserved or kept without difficulty. Peace or war between the two nations might be fatal to these his purchases. The latter might make the retaining of them difficult or casual, and the former might occasion a restitution of such prizes. Robert, therefore, not willing to build any great confidence on these debateable acquisitions, in the beginning of the reign of Edward II. cast his eye upon a more firm possession, and this was the castle, and house, and honour of Skipton."

So far for a sample of Sir Matthew's style, which is neither elegant nor particularly lucid. Robert de Clifford married Matilda, one of the daughters and co-heirs of Thomas de Clare. He was concerned in several of the invasions of Scotland, and probably as successful as any of the other marauders. In 1297 he entered Annandale with the power of Carlisle (of which he was governor), and slew 308 Scots near Annan Kirk. In 1301 he signed the famous letter from Edward I. to Pope Boniface VIII.,* claiming

No small part of the power assumed by the Popes in disposing of Kingdoms was authorised by the conduct of

the seignory of Scotland, by the name of Chatellain of Appleby. In 1306, immediately after the coronation of Robert Bruce, he entered Scotland with the Earl of Pembroke, and defeated Bruce at St. John's town. But he went upon his neighbour's land once too often, and was slain at Bannockburn, June 25th, 1314; the most disastrous day which England ever saw, but for which every true Briton, whether born north or south of the Tweed, is thankful. His body was sent by the victor to Edward II., at Berwick, but the place of its interment is uncertain, though Dr. Whitaker conjectures Bolton Abbey. Of this

Kings and nations themselves, who admitted or denied that right as suited present convenience, without ever looking to remoter consequences. Monarchs and factions played off the papal authority against each other. No Pontiff carried his pretensions higher than Boniface, who assumed the title of Master of all Kings, caused two swords to be carried before him, and added a second crown to the Tiara. Had he, however, always judged over Kings as justly as he did in the case of Scotland, the powers he claimed might well have been conceded to the then acknowledged head of the Christian Church. The Scotch had solicited his interference in their favour, which was virtually acknowledging his right to dispose of kingdoms. Hereupon he wrote a severe expostulation to Edward, commanding him to desist from his oppressions, and demonstrating the rightful independence of the Scotch, as well by arguments of ancient history, as by the allowances and concessions of English Kings. To this letter Edward, who had ever been a rigorous dealer with the Church, replied in a bold strain, deriving his seignory over Scotland from the Trojan Brutus, and the times of Eli and Samuel, and appealing to Heaven with the usual insolence of regal hypocrisy. A hundred and four Barons assembled in Parliament at Lincoln set their seals to this instrument, in which they take care to inform Boniface, that though they had justified their cause before him, they did not acknowledge him for their judge.-Hume.