indispensable preliminary to female emigration on a large scale is the remedy of these drawbacks by the construction of women's hostels for their reception in the principal towns, notably at Johannesburg, where a local committee, which has received substantial encouragement from the great mining companies, has already taken the matter in hand. In London, Glasgow, and other large cities, the housing problem-especially for men-has received liberal support from philanthropists and public bodies, with most encouraging results. The lodging of single women is not so easily dealt with, as it is difficult to combine freedom from restraint with adequacy of protection. This delicate task is properly entrusted to their own sex; and the names of the ladies who have undertaken it afford the best guarantee that it will be judiciously and tactfully treated, with the advice and co-operation of men of experience who recognise the importance of the movement.

A very large proportion of the women who are suitable for life in a thinly populated colony cannot afford to pay the passage-money and other expenses of the voyage, and, unless they receive free or assisted passages, are unable to emigrate. Many colonial governments make grants towards defraying the cost of the journey; and the Women's Emigration Association has wisely adopted a system of making advances on condition of repayment by instalments, which enables the society to turn over its small capital-raised by voluntary subscriptions-again and again, and thus to sustain a small but continuous stream of women emigrants. The method has been attended with success, and is worthy of extension.

In the case of South Africa, the greater cost of the voyage, and the absence of colonial grants-in-aid, render that country less attractive to intending emigrants than Canada or Australia, which compete under more favourable conditions of initial outlay. Suitable women desirous of going to South Africa have already been registered in considerable numbers, but the resources of the South African Expansion Committee are altogether insufficient to enable it to make a sensible contribution to fill the enormous deficiency which exists. The machinery is there, and is in excellent working order, but the out-turn is limited by want of funds. Nothing but state aid on a large scale can remedy the want. There can be no

question that expenditure for such an object would be both directly and indirectly remunerative, politically and economically. It is obviously the most essential step towards Anglification; and, in view of the financial clauses of the terms of surrender, we may propound this arithmetical question. If, for the rehabilitation of our late enemies on their farms, we make a free grant of three millions sterling, and an offer of loan advances at a low rate of interest, how much should we be prepared to spend in establishing loyal British settlers, with their wives and families, in the country as a counterpoise?

We do not purpose here to discuss the details of land settlement, agricultural farms, or irrigation-subjects which have long engaged the attention of Mr Chamberlain and Lord Milner-but we would insist on the axiom that single men leave no families. The majority of the British men now in the Transvaal are unmarried, and live in the towns and mining centres, and not on the land. Their number is very great, and will increase automatically. Our first efforts should be directed to providing them with wives; and, when agricultural settlements are started, every encouragement and preference should be given to married men. The conception of settling the country with small farmers, though very attractive at first sight, bristles with difficulties. Where are the agricultural settlers to come from? The class hardly exists in the army of to-day, and is only likely to be found in the yeomanry. Capital of no inconsiderable amount is needed to start a farm de novo; and it is not to be anticipated that this would be forthcoming in more than a very few cases. The voluntary male immigrants will not be farmers, but men of the industrial classes, who can make their livelihood at the mining centres, where the wages of skilled labour are much higher than a small farmer could earn, and whither agricultural settlers are likely to drift.

It must also be remembered that the market for agricultural produce in the Transvaal is now, and for many years will be, limited to the consumption capacity of the towns, which, though at present in excess of the local supply, does not amount, all told, to that of a second-class English city. The Transvaal is too distant from the sea, and the cost of production is too great,

to admit of its surplus produce competing with that of other countries. The development of agriculture must therefore, in the immediate future, depend upon industrial expansion. As the mines and concomitant industries extend, so will the field for tillage and stock-raising; but, if we were now to plant ten thousand tillage farmers in the new colonies, there would be no market for half their produce. It is to the industrial classes that we must look to give us a loyal majority. This class of immigrant will find his own way out, and our only concern need be to afford him facilities and inducements to bring out a wife, a sister, or a daughter.

The Anglification of the Transvaal must be effected on the Rand as a nucleus, and, if fostered there, will leaven all South Africa. Every stamp added to the goldproducing machinery will bring an increase of at least a dozen to the white population. Let it be our care that the addition shall be, so far as possible, British, and let us not be oblivious of the danger and the expense occasioned by the swarm of undesirable aliens whom we were obliged to deport from Johannesburg, and who, if the existing restrictions are removed, will return thither in increased numbers. Nor let us forget that the Uitlanders' manifesto before the Raid aimed, not at a transfer to the British flag, but at the establishment of an independent republic -and this, notwithstanding that a large majority of the members were British. We must not assume that the cosmopolitan foreign element, when the reforms to which it aspired, in common with the rest, have been secured by British arms and British capital, will do more than assent to British rule so long as it is powerful enough to. maintain its supremacy.

The first step towards assimilation has already come about by natural causes, in the adoption of English as the language of the industrial classes of every nationality on the Rand; and education in a common tongue will go far to obliterate racial differences in the next generation; but the most influential factor of all will be the British mother. The greater the number and the higher the class of girls we induce and assist to settle in the country, the more rapid will be the process of absorption, and the more permanent the impress of heredity. But it will not be sufficient merely to land '' n the country and let

them shift for themselves. Besides providing free or assisted passages, they must be helped to earn their own livelihood in all situations which women can fill, and enabled to live comfortably, economically, and respectably, while they remain single; and every encouragement should be given to them to marry and settle in the country by rendering family life attractive to both sexes in the industrial centres.

The agricultural development may come later as the demand for produce increases; but, in the immediate future, the chief end in view, viz. the increase of a stable British population, can be more economically attained by converting the floating population of single men into permanent settlers by giving them opportunities and inducements to marry. To start a family on a farm will cost several hundred pounds, while to bring out a female immigrant will cost not more than thirty. The purchase money of land and the expenses of enclosure, building, and irrigation will also require far greater capital expenditure than the erection of women's hostels and provision of quarters for married men, which would become selfsupporting at an early stage.

We have thought this particular aspect of the colonisation question worthy of special notice at the present time, as we believe that the great deficiency of white women which exists in South Africa is not generally known, nor its important bearing upon the Anglification of the country properly appreciated. The short examination which we have given to it appears to demonstrate that women are one of the most urgent needs of the country, and that one of the most promising means for Anglicising it is to be found in giving very liberal support to the emigration of British women on a large scale. We cannot but express the strong hope that the Government, which has shown itself so lavish-and rightly lavish-of the national resources in establishing British sovereignty in South Africa, and so wisely generous towards the defeated foe, will display equal wisdom and generosity in support of measures which are indispensable if that sovereignty is not to be lost again in the not distant future.

Art. XV.-THE COLONIAL CONFERENCE.

1. Imperium et Libertas: a Study in History and Politics. By Bernard Holland. London: Arnold, 1901.

2. Democracy and Empire. By F. H. Giddings. New York: Macmillan Company, 1901.

3. Commonwealth or Empire: a Bystander's View of the Question. By Goldwin Smith. New York: Macmillan Company, 1902.

4. Speeches on Canadian Affairs. By Lord Carnarvon. Edited by Sir Robert Herbert, G.C.B. London: John Murray, 1902.

5. Education and Empire. Addresses on Certain Topics of the Day. By R. B. Haldane, M.P., LL.D., K.C. London: John Murray, 1902.

AMONG the themes in modern British affairs which await the historian of the future, none will be more interesting than the growth of what is known as 'Imperialism.' Mr Bernard Holland's book, which we have named at the head of our list, is an able and suggestive essay on the historical side. Professor Giddings approaches a similar theme in the light of American experience and treats it in a more speculative manner, setting himself to find for the idea of 'a democratic Empire' an economic, a psychological, and a moral basis. The terms 'Empire,' 'Imperial, 'Imperialism,' as applied either to British or to American expansion, are not very correct, as we are reminded in an admirable address by the late Lord Carnarvon, now republished as an epilogue to his 'Speeches on Canadian Affairs.' The terms are apt to suggest misleading analogies. But Mr Burke used the word and Shakespeare consecrated it.' We too may accept it, understanding its true meaning, and not confusing it with Cæsarism.

The growth, then, of Imperialism,' of the group of ideas represented by the Empire,' is one of the outstanding features of our time. The historian who shall trace its growth will deal with a sentiment, a process, and a conviction. The sentiment has been happily described by Lord Rosebery in a recent speech as 'a passion of affection and family feeling, of pride and hope and helpfulness.' The process with which the Imperial idea is associated