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INDEX TO VOLUME I.
Page. Page. Editorial,....
..06 Editorial,.. Alabana, Report of..
.94 Address by G. M. Honour,..
F. Do. by P. G. A. Case,
.211 Appointments to Office,..... .241 Filial Confidence,..
.10 Address by Bro. Flint,.... .....265 Friendship, .....
.15 Do by Bro. Claiborne,..
.91 Autumn, by F. H. Davidge,. .677 Friends of my Youth,..
.113 Address by J. Lesly Pills,..
.195 B. Foreign Correspondence,..
.286 Friendship, Love and Truth,..
.311 Beauty,...... .J45 Father we turn to thee,..
.324 Burial, ..........180 Friendship, by Louise,....
.588 Benevolence of the Order,...
15 Charity. What is it?...... .422 Grand Visitation,...
33 Grand Sire's Report,.
.433 D. Grand Cor. Secretary's Report,
G. Lodge of U. S., Procecdings of 1842, 493 Dangers of Prosperity,..
.20 Depntation to England,..
.188 Encampment Representation,
334 Early Reminiscences,. .80
..135 Encampment Representation,.
. 159 Editorial, ...181 Imitation of Horace...
33 .224 Independent Odd-Fellow,...
.45 Do. .282 Invocation,.......
378 Encampment Representation, .....379 Lodge Funds,..... Editorial... ....425 Life among the, Dragoons,..
...418 Encampment Representation,. ..427 Lines, by Mrs. C. M. Sawyer,.
........575 English Mission, Report on,........ .448-470
Odd-Fellowship, End and Aim of.......593
Poverty, What is it?..
Story of Chevalier De Beauvoir,.. 73
Subscription to English Mission,.. 192
......69 Secrets, or the Odd-Fellow's Trial,.. ...290
.72 Subscription to English Missiou,... .384
The Broken Heart,..
To an Eagle,..
The Lady and the Page, Story.
The Carpr's Apprentice, 257,325,362,409,559
The Hunt, Translation..
..173 'The Order,....
The Order at Home and Abroad,
The Early Dead,.......
W e's Remonstrance,
The present would seem to be the age of excitements; and among the many which have been conjured up for the advancement of public and private purposes, few have obtained wider circulation in this country than the outcry against Masonry and secret societies in general. However plausible some of the arguments advanced by the opponents of these associations may be, it will, as we conceive, only require a little examination and reflection to be convinced that, under popular political institutions they not only become perfectly harmless, but may be made the instruments of conferring widely spread blessings. Under monarchical governments, where the interests of the privileged ranks have been regarded as antagonist to those of the mass of the population, secret societies have been carefully prohibited, for the plain reason that they afford opportunities to the lower classes, to come together and confer with one another on topics of common interest, and thus open the door to combinations which may prove destructive of the monopolies of power that spring from the divine right of kings. In such cases there evidently exists a pretext at least on the part of the few who possess power, to protect themselves against the many whom they affect to regard as the legitimate subjects of their control and born only to obey the will of those whom chance or usage, may have constituted their rulers. Under institutions such as those of our own country, the position of affairs is entirely different. In free governments, springing immediately from the people, and founded upon popular opinion, there can never exist any diversity of interest between the governors and the governed; inasmuch as the former are merely the servants of the latter, employed to discharge specific functions, and accountable to the community for the faithful performance of the duties alloted to them. In this case the people are the sources of power, and however it may be delegated to such per
sons as they may choose as the depositories of their authority, the right to govern can never be alienated from them, except with the concurrence of a majority of those to whom it attaches in virtue of the social compact, to which they are parties. In a word, the people combine in themselves the relations of governors and governed, and cannot therefore be suspected of designs which, if injurious in their effects, must inevitably and immediately react upon those with whom they have their origin. It is this union of relations which, whilst it constitutes the essential difference between governments purely monarchical and those of a popular caste, must necessarily prevent any of the mischiefs that, under different circumstances, might spring from the formation of secret societies. To say that an association may be formed and can institute schemes for the subversion of order or the destruction of the public welfare, when every individual in the country has ready access to membership, and where the laws of the land must be the acknowledged limit within which the purposes of the society must be circumscribed, is to imagine a condition of things from which common sense recoils; and would be just as rational as to suppose that the other parts of the human system could unite to destroy the action of the heart without, at the same time, conspiring for their own destruction. The truth is, that a secret society, in the strict sense of the term, cannot exist under a popular government; because, to acquire numerical strength, it must be accessible to all, and being so becomes subject to the inspection and control of the very persons upon whom it is intended to operate. Of this we have an illustration even in England, a limited monarchy, where the institution of Freemasonry has always been regarded as harmless, because the agents of the government, by becoming members, can gain possession of its secrets, and it is with a view to do away any unfavorable impressions on this score, that it has been customary to invest some one of the reigning family with the highest dignity of the Order.
Having offered the above remarks with reference to secret societies in general, we will now turn our attention to the association of which our publication proposes to be the
and endeavor to present, so far as may be consistent with propriety, a practical view of its operations. The Independent Order of Odd Fellows, in its practical effect, is nothing more or less than a Beneficial Society, instituted by its members to promote their good fellowship and comfort, and effect à mutual assurance against the ills and vicissitudes to which human nature is heir, under the guidance and direction of an all-wise and benificent Creator. With the ceremonies and symbols of the society we have at present nothing to do, inasmuch as they are matters reserved for the especial government and enlightenment of its members, and constitute so many distinctive peculiarities by which they may be distinguished from the mass of the community. Constituted, as it is, of persons taken from every rank in life, but chiefly from the productive classes, this institution presents a scheme in which thorough reciprocity of benefit constitutes the most prominent feature. Its honors and distinctions are awarded with a view to merit and faithful performance of duty; or in other words, the practical observance of the charities that should govern man in his intercourse with his fellow-man. In the bestowal of membership no distinction is recognized, save that of moral worth; a gem which is sought amidst the humbler or more exalted walks of life without discrimination, and is esteemed as equally precious, whether it be