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in the most solemn manner. The rt, hon. gent. | augmentation of the army? Was it any danger had said, that none but the enemies of Ireland which hung over the Canadas? He had heard could assert that the Catholic Association re- that the politics of one of the candidates for the presented the Catholics of that country. If he Presidency of the United States were so hostile night rely upon the public papers, he was to England, that if he were elected, Canada persuaded that that Association not only spoke might be considered in imminent danger. He the opinions and represented the feelings of mentioned this rumour owing to the ignorance the Catholics of Ireland, but of England also. he was in as to the real cause. That was not, How else could it be accounted for, that one of however, any fault of his, but of those who withthe most numerous and respectable meetings held information from the people as to the cause of Catholics held in England for a long period of increasing their army in the ninth year of of years, had recently passed a unanimous vote peace. We had now a standing army of 73,000 of thanks to the gentleman who was at the regulars, a force unexampled in time of peace. head of the Association? If it did not repre. He had, therefore, a right to information upon sent the sentiments of the people of Ireland, two points; first-how much was the army to why legislate against it ?-why attempt to put be augmented-by 5,000, by 10,000, by 15,000, it down by force?-why was His Majesty ad- or, as he had heard it stated, by 20,000 men? vised to recommend that subject to the House, next-for what purpose was it augmented? Was if the Association had no power? He believed, it on account of the continued occupation of and he thought, His Majesty's advisers were of Spain, to which he was astonished at finding no the same opinion, that the Roman Catholics of allusion made, either in his Majesty's Speech, Ireland and England, were never more united or in the address which had been voted in rethan now. It was the knowledge of this una-ply to it-an occupation that had arisen out of nimity which produced alarm amongst ministers, an aggression, which the rt. hon. gent. had himand called forth the statement in the Speech. self declared to be one of the most unjustifiable Having noticed this inconsistency in the speech that could be found in the history of nations of the rt, hon. gent. he should take this early op- (hear, hear)? The people had a right to know portunity of protesting against any design of whether this crying injustice was to be conputting down the Catholic Association. There summated and perpetuated for ever. We had was another topic in the Speech which he could suffered one of our allies to annihilate the indenot pass over, and which, to his astonishment, pendence of Italy; but there had been no had not been touched upon last night-he meant call for arming then. We had suffered another the increase of our military force. The un- to subjugate Spain; but there had been no provoked aggression which the Burmese had call for arming then, or at least only from that made upon the territories of the merchants of side of the house whose calls were not often Leadenhall-street-a body, which, from the attended to. But now, because the Burman language it used, could never have made an empire, of which few men knew any thing, had enprovoked aggression upon any state (a laugh), attacked the East India Company, and because was assigned as one of the reasons for this un- "there were other circumstances connected expected augmentation of our military estab- with our foreign possessions," which were not lishments. The whole excuse for this extraor-specifically mentioned, and of which nobody dinary measure was "the state of India, and knew any thing, our army was to be suddenly circumstances connected with other parts of augmented. After some further observations His Majesty's foreign possessions." They on this head, the hon. member concluded by were told that Ireland was not included in the joining in the congratulations on the improve“foreign possessions." He was glad that it ment of trade and agriculture, and those changes was not proposed to increase our military es- in our commercial policy, the credit of which tablishment in Ireland; but unless ministers he would not contest with any party-as it was intended to back their new penal law against indifferent to him from what quarter the thunthe Catholics with a military force, it would be ders caine, provided they " spare those that in vain for them to send mere Acts of Parlia- are subject, and beat down the proud." ment. To what part, then, of our foreign pos- The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that sevions, was this allusion to apply? Did it would be his duty at an early day to enter it refer to the struggle in the Mediterranean, into the amplest details of the propositions he between the Ottoman Porte and Greece? It intended to submit to the house. At present would be gratifying to find that the rt. hon. he would merely observe, that though the auggeat, was strong enough in the Cabinet to take mentation of the army seemed to him absolutely some decisive measures in favour of that unfor- necessary, he should be able to accompany it tunate but glorious nation. At the commence- with a reduction of taxation, which he trusted ment of last session he had stated his opinion would appear to be founded on sound princito be hostile to our interference with Turkey, ples, and to be generally acceptable to the in behalf of the Greeks: but events had oc- country. The whole burden of the speech curred since that time, which made it proper which the hon. member for Westminster had for the British Government to interfere, and to just made was-"What are the grounds on arge upon the Ottoman Porte the impossibility which ministers call upon the house to increase of its recovering possession of that part of the the army?" It was true, as the hon. gent. had continent and islands of Greece which had argued, that there was nothing in the state of achieved their freedom. If we wished Turkey Ireland which required the presence of an adto exist as a bulwark either against Austria or ditional soldier. The same was also the case Ressia, we should contrive some measures by in England. His Majesty's speech distinctly which the Greeks should be declared indepen- stated, that the augmentation of the army had dent. He could not, however, flatter himself referente, not to the internal, but to the exwith the idea that this view was taken by Go-ternal circumstances of the country. The hon. vernment, or that they were inclined to inter-member had treated the Burmese war as a fere with the Turks on behalf of Greece. What, matter of indifference: and that was not surthen, was he to consider as the cause of this prising, considering that most people treated G

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had advertis à his subscription to the relief of the Spanish patriots, from whom, as Minister, he had withdrawn the trifling support the Government had allowed them; and whilst thus meanly truckling to foreign Powers, what greater proof of their tyranny at home, and the insolence of that faction which had usurped the powers of the constitution and lorded it equally

with indifference a distant danger. Any man who considered the peculiar nature of our empire in India, and how it had arisen into its present extent and magnitude, would see that whatever tended to disturb the tranquillity of any part of it might produce effects much more important than any which would enter into the imagination of a casual observer, or of one who only knew of the Burman empire by hear-over the Crown and people, than that the same say. When this subject should be brought be- Sovereign, who had proclaimed the equality of fore the house, he should be able to prove that civil and political rights to all his German subthis increase of the army was dictated by sound jects, was prevented by his ministers from doing policy, and was not liable to the objections the same justice to the Catholic population of which the hon. member had urged against it; his United Kingdom. And what was their exfor it was not an increase in time of profound cuse ?-the danger to the Protestant religion. peace, but in time of active war. With regard But was ever assertion so false, or hypocrisy to the words, "our other foreign possessions," he so great, as that which pretended to believe it, could not conceive how the hon. member could but which well knew that the danger was not look at our foreign possessions without seeing to the established religion, but to an enormous how widely different their present state was church establishment in Ireland, which requirfrom their state twenty years ago. The estab-ed the expense of a large standing army to suplishment which defended them twenty years port it, in the teeth of all justice and true reliago was utterly inadequate at present. In gion, and the sense and feeling of the people? England, in case of sudden danger, the minis- As to Catholic emancipation, nothing short of ters could call upon the people to support the it could give that strength to the Government Government with its resources; but in our which, under whatever form, was essential to foreign possessions, which were widely scatter-support it; and if such had been the advanceed over the face of the earth, those resources ment of general knowledge and education, that could not be immediately called into action, this concession had been deemed necessary to and it would be therefore unwise to leave them the slaves of a despotic government to whom exposed to the dangers of sudden invasion. the freedom of the press was still unknown These were the general grounds, without enter- how much more necessary to that people, who ing into details, on which he thought that there in the establishment of their liberties, beheadwere just causes for increasing the army. He ed one king, dethroned another, and set up a expected, however, that the hon. gent. if he third, to the exclusion of the legitimate heir to took his information from the sources which the Crown, whom the voice of the people dewere open to the public, would be greatly dis-clared to have forfeited his right? And unless appointed, when he learned what that increase was really to be.

the ministers could make up their minds to this measure, which if not conceded would eventually be forced upon them, they had better at once drop the curtain upon the farce they had so long been playing in that house, and either shut its doors, or at least march those out of it who dared impeach their coaduct, as the Depoty Manuel was marched out of the French Chamber.

Col. Palmer, after a long attack on the administration, and, in particular, the Sec. for foreign affairs, said that the ministers, in the King's speech, had again openly boasted of their friendly relations with those Powers who had as openly declared their hostility to all constitutional governments, and proved their intentions by their acts in destroying that of Sir John Newport complained of the manner Spain. What, then, could be the basis of such in which the condition of Ireland had been friendship, but their mutual understanding and treated in the Speech from the Throne. What agreement upon that vital question of public was stated as a main fact respecting Ireland in Jiberty, the existence of which was incompa- that address, be absolutely and of his own tible with the principles the Holy Alliance knowledge denied. He denied that the Cathostood pledged to establish? Aud that this was lic Association had tended to disturb the peace the fact, he boldly asserted, and believed; of the country. On the contrary, he believed whilst of all parties concerned, the ministers of that that body had assisted, and most efficaEngland stood deepest involved in the guilt. ciously, to tranquillize Ireland, and to afford But, whatever the motives of the parties, for the most powerful co-operation with the Irish which they must answer to their God, it was Government, in producing that salutary effect their conduct the people had to look to; and (hear, hear). If the Catholic association were whether the Government of France and Spain, really dangerous, the country had to thank the the Governments of the Holy Alliance, or, Lord Chancellor, and the rt. hon. Sec. for the above all, the Government of England, he de- Home Department for its existence; for it was nounced the whole as conspirators against the these gentlemen, who had in each house of Par liberties of mankind-he accused them of hav-liament declared, that the people of Ireland ing wilfully neglected that glorious occasion which the return of peace, and the destruction of Buonaparte's power, had afforded of re-establishing the liberties of Europe upon a firm basis, and of conspiring with the Powers of Europe against the liberties of the people, solely to prevent reform, in the abuses of their own governments. What better illustration of the strength, courage, and generosity of the nation, contrasted with the weakness, cowardice, and baseness of her Government, than the act of the rt. hon. gent., who, as one of the people

had, in point of fact, no interest, and felt no concern, in the discussions upon the Catholic question which had been pressed upon the Government-that the agitation of such subjects was kept alive only by a few. Now what was the fact? The association prepared their petition, and the people from one end of the country to the other, came forward to testify their deep interest in the proceedings of that body, and to contribute from their exhausted purses the necessary means for defraying the expenses of their measures. At first, it was said the

THE ADDRESS.

43

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of nature, but with his dying breath he would
admonish ministers not to proceed thus towards
Ireland; and his last words would be to warn
them against the danger of prosecuting a sys-
tem of restriction, which would bring ultimate
ruin upon the country (loud cheering).
Mr. Peel said, that, on Thursday next,
his rt. hon. friend near him (Mr. Goulburn)
would submit a motion on the subject of the
associations in Ireland, and it was the in-
tention of his Majesty's Government to pro-
pose such a measure upon its own responsi-
bility. That these associations in Ireland ought
to be put down, he thought could not reason-
ably be denied-indeed, he thought that the
warmest advocates for the liberty of the subject
ought to call for their extinction. He spoke
not of the opinions of those who thought that
such a body trenched on the supremacy of the
Crown, or the privileges of the Executive Go-
vernment; but of the opinion of every man
who valued the proper privileges of the people,
who respected the due administration of jus-
tice, and who wished to maintain the principles
of rational liberty. No such man could think
it reasonable that an association like this should
be permitted to levy taxes on the people, or in-
terfere with the administration of justice. For
these brief reasons, he thought it would not be
difficult to show, upon the popular principles
of the constitution, that bodies arrogating such
a power ought not to be permitted to exist. In
his opinion, they trenched upon the existing
law-the Convention Act; the letter of the law
was evaded, but its fair spirit was infringed.
He could not easily bring himself to believe
that the Catholics were prepared to identify
themselves with the Association. He could not
believe that a Christian sect and Christian pas-
tors could adopt a bond of hatred so entirely at
variance with the pious spirit which they pro-
fessed. If, however, the Catholics participated
in such feelings and opinions, then, indeed,
how strong became the reason for excluding
from political power persons capable of hold-
ing such tenets! It was not a little strange
that whilst gentlemen called upon the Govern-
ment to permit this association to remain, they
were loud in their denunciation of another asso-
ciation in this country, against which the same
cause of complaint did not exist. A learned
gent. had last night alluded to some supposed
difference of opinion among the members of
the Cabinet upon particular subjects: he had
talked of those who were always ready to sa-
crifice their opinions for the preservation of
their places, and that there was one who would
pocket any popular opinion of the day to pre-
serve his official power. Of the Lord Chan-
cellor, to whom the observations he alluded
to were understood to apply, he could not
speak in terms of adequate praise; but he
believed he would go down to posterity
as a man of exalted merits, and as the most
consistent politician who had ever held the
great seal. With respect to his own opinions,
and for them he only meant now to answer,
he could declare that his original view of
the Catholic question had been strengthened
by experience; and he claimed credit for
sincerity when he declared that he was pre-
pared to make any official sacrifice rather than
The rt, hon.
abandon the principles which had suggested
that opinion (hear, hear),
bart. who had spoken last, had said, that he

people cared nothing about the matter: then followed the establishment of the Association, and the demonstration of the popular feeling; whereupon ministers turned round, and threatened to coerce them into silence. He called upon them to recollect the motion which had been made by his rt. hon. friend (Mr. Wynn), in 1813 to put down the illegal society of Orangemen. In the debate upon that motion, the rt. hon. gent., (Mr. Canning) and a noble lord, then in the government (Lord Londonderry) had both declared that they relied upon the common sense of their country for rejecting and putting down such associations; and yet, notwithstanding these declarations, it was only now that minis ters had come prepared to say, that the existing laws were not sufficient to meet the evil, and that new and more coercive ones were necessary. It was quite clear, he thought, that against the Catholic Association this measure was particularly directed, and against them alone (hear). Was it not notorious that high officers in his Majesty's government in Ireland were members of Orange Associations? Did hey not not know that official persons acted as Deputy-Grand Masters in these illegal societies? If any such were found in the Catholic Association, how loud would not the complaints have been! He concurred in praising the liberality of the late measures of Government, but why not extend the same wise policy to Irish affairs? The fact was, that they never acted wisely or liberally towards Ireland, and their periods of relaxation were always dictated by sad necessity. Trace the question historically. In the year 1792, when the present Lord Privy Seal (Lord Westmorland) was Viceroy, and the late Earl of Buckinghamshire his Secretary, an humble petition from the Catholics was driven out of the Irish house of Parliament by acclamation petition merely asking for a very moderate share of privilege: and yet in the very year after, a measure embodying far more relief than was supplicated in the previous petition, was carried triumphantly through Parliament under the auspices of this same Secretary. He was old enough to recollect the whole course of this question, and to remember that the eye of Parliament could not be brought to look upon it, until the fleets of France and Spain rode triumphantly in the British Channel. Let Do man, then, be duped by the notion that the Catholics had reason to confide in the liberality of the British Government. If, at the time to which he alluded, the Catholic body was important, when a crisis befel the empire, how much more important had it not since become? It was never so consolidated as it was now; and that consolidation had been effected by the misgovernment of this country, and the repeated refusal of the just claims of the people (hear, hear). He lamented exceedingly the course which his majesty's ministers seemed now disposed to take. Again and again he would deprecate this policy, at once baneful and absurd-this wretched perseverance, upon every flimsy pretext, of refusing the just claims of the people, until the arrival of some impending danger, which compelled the Government to bestow ungraciously, and thanklessly, what if conferred under other circumstances, and other times, would have been received as a boon (hear, hear). He had now done his duty; he could concientiously say, liberavi animam meam. But a few years remained to him in the course

THE ADDRESSJ!

(Mr. Peel), and the Lord Chancellor, were the persons who ought to be held responsible for the establishment of the Catholic Association. He should only remark at present, that in calling upon Parliament to put down this association he was contributing to the tranquillity of Ireland: he had no doubt, that when the Catholics di covered their error, they would readily obey the laws, without its being necessary to enforce them by military coercion.

Association were now declared illegal, had why, when that Constitutional Association was not his hon. friends near him a right to ask in being, was there no attempt on the part of Government to put it down by law? A word or two upon the observations which had beea made as to the union of the Catholics of England and of Ireland. He assured the house of the correctness of the supposition that they lieved that he was fully authorized to say that were cordially united in their views. He bethe Catholics of Great Britain were disposed to concur in every respect with the feeling and spirit evinced by the Catholic Association of Ireland.

hon. member for Cork, as to the confidence of Mr. Trant wished to satisfy the mind of the English capitalists in embarking their money in Irish speculations. He had had the honour of attending a meeting that very day, of the Irish Provincial Mining Company, and their proceedings went forward with an animation which was not damped by any thing whieh had occurred in either house of Parliament.

Mr. Denman congratulated Ireland on the yer, however, he would advise the hon. memconfidence of the Mining Company. As a lawber and the company not to be too confident; they might, for any assurance he could give them to the contrary, be engaged in an unconstitutional proceeding; they might be acting in direct contravention to an existing law; their affairs, when deemed the most secure by themselves, might be found all at once the most cruelly embarrassed. As to the Constitutional Association, whether constitutional or not, the argument with respect to the conduct of ministers Catholic Association by enacting a new law-by was the same. They were going to put down the

Mr. C. H. Hutchinson warmly defended the Association, which he contended had done much to promote the tranquillity of Ireland, however they might be talked of as a representative body or not. Upon the impolicy of the projects against Ireland, he entirely concurred in what had fallen from his rt. hon. friend (Sir J. New port). For years he had deplored this fatal policy, and marked, step by step, the affiction of which it was the cause. It was the calamity of Ireland that the British Governinent had ever ruled her in a spirit of faction: discord, and not peace, had been their motto, and now they were again about to exasperate real grievances by coercion, instead of expunging from the statute-book those bitter penal enactments which disgraced the Protestant, while they oppressed and degraded the Catholic (hear). He denied the assertion of the rt. hon. gent. (Mr. Canning), that the proceedings of the Catholic Association had indisposed the public mind in England to listen to the Catholic question. That individuals disapproved of some of the acts of the Association, he readily admitted; but he denied that any public expression of hostility had emanated from any portion of the British public against the measure itself (hear). The hon. member then proceeded to deplore the peculiar evils which must result under the present circumstances from a perseve-violence, by the army, by the sword. Why was rance in the proposed measures. He said that English capital was most fortunately flowing into Ireland; its value was most sensibly felt by all parties; but its continuance must depend on the security afforded for property by public tranquillity: and here was the Government proclaiming, unjustly and unwisely, that there was a spirit of insubordination in Ireland which must be suppressed (hear, hear, hear). He deplored the fatal consequences of this system, but he had the solitary consolation of having for years opposed it, from a desire to promote the prosperity of the British empire. + Sir T. Lethbridge said, that there was a strange inconsistency with regard to the Catholic Association. Some gentlemen admitted that it represented the Catholic body, while others denied that fact; and again, it was said, that not only did they represent the opinions of the people of Ireland, but those of the Catholics of England also. If the account of the friends of the association were to be taken for the correct one, it would appear that it formed a second body in the state, of equal power and influence with the Parliament. Then there were two Parliaments to represent the subjects of Great Britain. In his opinion one was enough, and certainly the constitution did not admit of a second. Lord Nugent said, that the rt. hon. Sec. (Peel) had taunted his side of the house for imputing illegality to the Constitutional Association, which, in all its professed objects, was exactly analogous to the Catholic Association. Was the rt. hon. Sec. so blinded by the cagerness of debate as not to see that his weapon was double-edged? If the Catholic

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nothing of all this attempted against the Constitutional Association? Surely there was something remarkable in this difference of ministerial conduct. Was not that, as the Catholic Association was now said to be, imperium in imperio? Was there not an Attorney-Generál who was no Attorney-General-a private indi̟vidual who had the impudence to take upon himself the right of exercising the powers which could only belong to the law officers of the Crown, the meaning of his endeavours plainly being, to put down freedom of discussion throughout the country? There was, indeed, to be a violation which played the game of a violation of the constitution; but it happened power, and therefore there was no alarm given; no one objected; formal defences were set up for it by the immediate dependents of administration. pared with that which was threatened to the What was the danger bere, comconstitution by the Constitutional Association? Defend the Catholic Association! God forbid that he should ever attempt it. He would not be bound to defend the proceedings of any public body-not even the body which he was then addressing. He could more easily defend the conduct of the Catholic Association, however, than that of the Parliament. It was astonishing that they should yet hope to keep down a great country, dependent on them, by violence, which continually bred discontent, and thus put themselves in danger of interference from the Holy Alliance. What dangers to ourselves and to Ireland might ensue in the meantime-what strife-what bloodshed and confusion-he could not foresce. They were attempting measure

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that they pronounced the forgiveness of sins in the identical form of words used by the Archbishop of Canterbury. If you repent, I absolve you:" the form of words was the same in the rites of both churches. The pri mate, archbishop of Tuam, would severely reprehend any priest who should affect a delegation of Almighty power in the absolution of sins.

Sir H. Parnell bore testimony to the fact that the Catholics of England and Ireland cordially concurred in the proceedings of the Catholic Association; and as he denied that ministers could make out the allegations of the Speech with respect to the Catholic Association, he should oppose the measure throughout.

towards Ireland, in comparison with which the causes of the American war were trifles; they were placing Ireland in the situation held by America; they were bringing America to their town doors; they were doing their best to work eventual confusion. When the hon. bart. (Sir T. Lethbridge) undertook to represent the sentiments of the people of England, he was compeiled to tell the hon. bart, that he knew something also of those sentiments, and he did not allow the faithfulness of that representation. That there were some opposed to the Catholic claims, perhaps, in the public-houses and low alleys of the town, among the eminently unfeeling and ignorant, was true. The hon. bart. must not flatter himself with the honour of representing the whole British people, if such were his sen- Mr. M. Fitzgerald said, his alarm arose from timents. He hoped that the hon. bart's election the conviction that the Association represented, did not depend upon hopes so futile (laughter). in the most complete manner, the feelings of the He believed that the opinion of every man in Catholic people of Ireland. The sentiment the country, whose opinion was worth having, which actuated them was for the first time, in was with the Catholics. An opinion so un- his experience, one and undivided. They were founded might be well enough for the hon. bart.; formidable, because they were suffering adbut he was grieved to hear the rt. hon. mitted injustice; and were united among themsec. (Canning) resort to so vulgar a play upon selves, while it appeared the intention of Gothe passions of the public, as that which was vernment to continue the refusal of their rights. implied in his remark about “bullying the He was compelled, therefore, to deprecate in people of England." An hon. member (Mr. W. the strongest terms, the proposed measure of Lamb) expected, that proofs would be pro- putting down the Association, because it would duced of the dangers arising from the Associ- have the effect of driving the Catholics to some ation, and then he would yield his ready ac- other course. It would be unfair in him not to quiescence to the measure. They had heard the avow that he had already heard the intention rt. hon. sec. (Peel) declare, that no proofs would of doing so expressed, if the threatened supbe produced; but that ministers, acting on their pression of the Association should take place. own responsibility, would proceed upon the no- Nothing could be more natural than that this toriety of the fact. What a proposition! To pro- should be the result of such a step; for, while ceed in the enactment of a penal law upon the Catholic disabilities existed, the persons sufferreports of newspapers! He owned that he had ing under them would not relax in their endeanot been sufficiently at leisure to trace the pro- vours to throw off the burden. It had been ceedings of the Association. He had read the said in the House, that the rent which was raised address which they put forth, and he highly ap- for the objects of the Association was levied in proved of it, excepting one expression so loudly the shape of a revenue: he was not aware harped upon by the two Secretaries of State. But that it could fairly deserve that name. It surely one phrase in a printed paper, however was nothing more than a voluntary subscription indiscreet, though asserted and affirmed with entered into by the Catholic population of Irethat wicked deliberation which had been insist- land for the protection of the people in various ed upon, was no reason to justify new coercive parts of Ireland against the oppression of the Jaws. He should have thought that the Attor- magistrates, by procaring legal assistance. But ney-General of Ireland might have given them if any objection could be raised to this sum, some wise cautions against the danger of con- and the manner in which it had been collected, fiding in newspaper rumours for the ground- how could any other similar subscriptions be work of their proceedings. And what, after justified? That of the Methodist Conference, all, was the danger? An association was in ex- for example, which was infinitely larger in Istence which was accused of raising money. amount, and which was unquestionably applied What less could they do? Did not all other to political purposes. Although the Catholic associations support themselves by joint contri- interest in that House was comparatively feeble, butions? There was a society for prosecuting the Methodist interest was very powerful.” He poachers, very constitutional of course, for no recollected, that, in the last session, he had complaint was made against them for raising seen more external influence brought to bear on revenue. But then the Catholic priesthood a question in which the Methodists were interwere not to touch it! Why? Were they not ested than on any other of which he knew he known as a body of men peculiarly respect-meant that relating to Smith the missionary. able, admitted on all hands to be derived from the middle classes of the people? After a few further remarks in the same strain, the learned gent, sat down, cautioning the house against the delay of justice, from, which he predicted the

worst consequences.

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He would add his feeble voice against the proposition of ministers, and would say that he looked with serious apprehension at the consequences which must result if the notice already given should be acted upon.

Mr. Butterworth begged to contradict the asMr. R. Martin admitted that the Catholic Assertion of the hon. member, respecting the fund sociation represented the Catholic population. He knew it from his own experience. He cautioned the house against trusting in the assertion that the Catholic priesthood claimed the power of Omnipotence, which they exercised in the absolution and remission of sins. The fact was,

raised by the Methodist Conference. The whole of that was voluntarily subscribed. The members of the society were influenced by no compulsion. There were many persons of the same sect who did not subscribe. The hon. member must have been very imperfectly informed on

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