VIII. DENMARK.

Although the year 1880, like its predecessor, has been comparatively free from the violent conflicts and serious complications which characterised its home politics between the years 1875 and 1878, it will be recorded in the annals of the political history of Denmark as one which saw the final settlement of several important legislative questions. Of these the most important were the Army and the Navy Reorganisation Bills, which had been yearly before the Rigsdag since 1872, and which formed an important part of the programme of the Estrup Ministry. These, with other bills, were, as usual, laid before the Diet on its assembling in October, 1879, but during the commencement of the session there was no more prospect of these bills being passed than in former years, when quite unexpectedly an agreement was arrived at between Mr. Ravn, Minister of Marine, who had charge of the bill, and the moderate party with regard to the Navy Reorganisation Bill. The result of this compromise was an Act which was finally passed on May 12. At one moment the bill, on its second reading, had been in some danger of being rendered inoperative by a proposal that it should only come into operation in the event of the Army Bill being passed. This unreasonable condition, however, was eventually overruled by aid of the Radicals on the third reading. By the passing of this bill several much needed improvements will be introduced in the Navy. The number of ships and men, officers and crew, which both have long been insufficent, will be considerably increased. For instance, the number of lieutenants is increased from forty-seven to sixty, and the corps of engineers, artillery, and marines will be considerably augmented. The number of the larger ships was fixed at twelve, but the constitution of the class was left for the present undecided upon. A proportionate increase in the number of smaller ships was at the same time agreed upon; and the yearly contingent of men required for naval services was raised from 700 to 900. Training ships for 1,200 men are also to be fitted out every year, for a cruise of six months. The Ministry was not less successful with their Army Bill, which passed within a few days of the close of the session, but only after a great deal of opposition from the Radical party, whose leader, Mr. Berg, by unsuccessfully proposing several amendments, whilst refusing all amendments from other sections of the Chamber, prolonged the settlement of the question. Thus it was the moderate party who, to the surprise of the Radicals and the general public, had at length brought in an Army Bill which promised to be generally acceptable. The bill had been the result of prolonged negotiations between the moderate party and General Thomson, the late Minister of War, and the leader of the Right on all military topics. The new measure was, in reality, little more than a supplement to the Army Bill of 1867. It was introduced in the Folkething by the

Moderates on July 14, and in the course of eight days was read a third time in that Chamber; passed the Landsthing on the 24th, and was sanctioned by the King on the 25th of the same month, the thirtieth anniversary of the celebrated battle of Isted. The main feature of this bill was the increase of the infantry of the line from twenty battalions to thirty, as well as a proportionate increase in the artillery and the cavalry, whilst by curtailing the service in garrison and the time for drilling considerable saving of money was effected.

The new Army and Navy Bills did not exactly satisfy what the public had expected or desired, but the feeling of relief that these questions, which for such a length of time had occupied public attention, had at last been settled was general, more especially as the basis of their solution had been a compromise acceptable to both political parties.

The supplementary question of the national defences was not brought before the Rigsdag during the year, time failing for the adequate discussion of so momentous a question.

The passing of the Scandinavian Bills of Exchange Act, which had also been passed during the year in Norway and Sweden, gave great satisfaction in mercantile circles. On June 24 a bill for the purchase, by the Government, of the Zeeland Railways was carried; a matter of great economical and national importance in the future.

Mr. Fisher, the Minister of Education, was hardly so satisfied with the achievements of the session as some of his colleagues. In vain he had tried to carry through a bill which provided an endowment for the University, and an education bill. For the latter he had depended upon the support of the Radicals, but the relations between that party and the Government were as distant as ever, and Mr. Fisher failed to effect any salutary reform in his department; he therefore resigned on August 24, and was, to the surprise of many, succeeded by Mr. Scavenius.

Out of one of the by-elections arose no small stir and discussion amongst the general public and in the press. The electors of Langeland had by a large majority made choice of Dr. E. Brandes, who was put forward both as a Radical representative and a new politician. Dr. Brandes was well known for his advanced ideas in religious matters, and when he at a meeting was questioned on this point, he openly declared that he believed neither in the God of the Christians nor of the Jews. In consequence of this statement an agitation, similar to that which took place in England against Mr. Bradlaugh in the early part of the year, was set on foot to prevent his taking his seat in the Rigsdag.

According to the rules for taking the oath by members of the Danish National Assembly, a printed form of oath was sent by the

1 Dr. Brandes, himself a distinguished littérateur, is the brother of the cele brated Danish author and critic, Professor Geo. Brandes, author of the Life of Lord Beaconsfield, which was published a couple of years ago.

President to Dr. Brandes, but the former, probably influenced by the discussions in the public press, or impressed with the serious responsibility which Dr. Brandes took upon himself if he subscribed the usual formula, accompanied it by a letter in which he pointed this out to Dr. Brandes' notice, and requested him to abstain from signing the document. Dr. Brandes, however, promptly signed the formula and returned it to the President, at the same time repudiating the right of the President to interfere with him with regard to his religious belief. This letter created some surprise, but there was apparently no other choice left to Dr. Brandes, if he wished to take his seat, there being as yet no Affirmation Act in Denmark. The Radicals attempted to pass a vote of censure on the President for not having sent the oath formula at once to Dr. Brandes without any comment, but this vote was lost in the Rigsdag. These debates resulted in the introduction of two amendments in the form of the Parliamentary oath, the discussion of which is reserved for the present Rigsdag, although it is not expected that the question will be settled in one session.

From the few by-elections which took place during the year, the state of parties in the Rigsdag was little, if at all, altered when the session opened in the autumn. The Government had prepared a great amount of legislative work for the present Rigsdag, which, however, had not made much progress at the close of the year. The finances of the country, judged from the annual financial budget of 1879-80, and the budget estimates of 1880-81, are in a very satisfactory state; the financial estimate for the year ending March 31, 1880, showing a surplus of about five and a half million Kroner (300,000l.)

The condition of trade and agriculture throughout the country in 1880 was very favourable. The harvest was on the whole good. The prices were high, and the money market was well supplied. As a result of the successful discovery of the North-East Passage by Professor Nordenskjöld may be mentioned that a large Siberian trading company was formed by Danish capitalists in Copenhagen in December last. As will be remembered, Professor Nordenskjöld had a most enthusiastic reception at Copenhagen on his way home to Stockholm in April.

CHAPTER VI.

ASIA.

INDIA AND AFGHANISTAN.

THE beginning of the year found our garrison at Cabul freed indeed from the danger with which Muhammed Jan and his great levies of tribesmen had menaced it, but by no means free from alarms of further attack. In fact, until the place was finally

evacuated hardly a fortnight passed without a rumour of hostile preparation, now at Ghazni, now in the districts in the immediate neighbourhood of Cabul, now at some point along the line of communications with India; and though in many instances the movements reported did not grow to a head, there is no reason to suppose that the reports exaggerated the condition of ferment which prevailed in regions affected by our neighbourhood. One personal matter arising from the events of December created a good deal of excitement in India. General Massey, who had been in command in the disastrous engagement which preceded the retirement to Sherpur, was removed from the command of the Cavalry Brigade at Cabul, not only on the ground that in that affair he had failed to carry out the orders given to him, but, it was alleged, because he had failed to make an efficient use of his cavalry in the earlier operations at the capture of Cabul. Much sympathy was expressed for the recalled officer, both in military circles and in the Press; and his subsequent appointment to a divisional command in India was understood as an admission on the part of the Commander-in-Chief that the degree of censure implied in the order of recall was undeserved.

As to General Roberts, the Government of India expressed their approval of his conduct, declaring that the concentration of the scattered posts at Sherpur was judicious, and that the subsequent conduct of the defence was admirable. In the Press there was, of course, a good deal of less favourable criticism. The policy of executions, it was alleged, had provoked risings, while the steps taken on the approach of the insurgents showed either a grievous want of information as to their number and character or culpable temerity. Had the insurgent leader been sagacious enough to see his opportunity, he might, it was said, have overpowered the feeble force left to guard Sherpur before General Roberts had made good his retreat to it. Later on it was acknowledged that a commander who was uniformly successful must have had something more than luck to go on, and even in January disparaging criticism was the exception.

But General Roberts, whether acting on his own ideas or under the orders of the Government, seemed to be taking measures to remove all ground of censure in the future. The forts and buildings round the cantonments of Sherpur-so far as they were likely to interfere with its defence were removed; roads were opened up in every direction, and before we finally left Cabul new fortifications of the most substantial and elaborate kind had been erected, not only on the Bala Hissar, but on other heights which commanded Cabul and the approaches thereto. While precautions were thus taken against attack, pains were taken to impress on the people that the period of chastisement was to be succeeded by one of conciliation. A durbar was held at Cabul soon after the dispersion of the insurgents, which was attended by a good many chiefs who were more than suspected of having been

among the instigators of the movement. Among others came the notorious Padshah Khan, the chief whose influence was dominant among the Ghilzais between Cabul and the Shuturgardan Pass, and who had alternately been an active friend and active foe. An amnesty was proclaimed to all persons concerned in the recent rising, except three leaders specified by name and the murderers of the old Afghan we had sent as Governor to the Maidan district, and under this proclamation a great many of the persons implicated "came in." Afghan notables, who were believed to be acceptable to the people, were sent as governors to the various districts round Cabul, and the chief deputed to Kohistan-the most turbulent district of all-managed at least to hold his own. At Cabul itself, the military governorship which had been held by General Hills was abolished, and the town was placed under the control of Wali Muhammed as Civil Governor. This Sirdar was a half-brother of the late Amir Shir Ali, and it was hoped at one time that he might, while rendering our temporary sojourn less distasteful to the Afghans, win for himself such influence as would justify us in recognising him as Amir. But, whether from defect of energy or of intelligence, he succeeded so ill that he never professed to be able to rule without the authority of a British force to back him; and when the time for leaving came, he was glad enough to accompany our forces to India, having, if report be true, so far utilised his opportunities as Governor as to have accumulated a fortune ample enough to render even exile sweet. His rule, at any rate, was not conspicuous by any great zeal for the interests of the Power which befriended him. Almost immediately after the beleaguerment of Sherpur, General Daud Shah, who had been with our garrison, was deported to India, having been suspected of slackness in helping the authorities. But the Mustaufi Habibulla, who had also been suspected of complicity in the September rising, was taken into favour, and for some time was used as an intermediary in negotiations with the irreconcilables at Ghazni. For to this place Mushk-i-Alam, Muhammed Jan, and the other discomfited leaders of the December rising had betaken themselves. It is not easy to describe in a few words what their objects were. Muhammed Jan was a military adventurer, who for the moment represented the Afghan idea of hostility to the invader, and who, though he disclaimed any authority but that of one who ruled till "the Amir came," was understood to be willing to accept any solution which would assure him a substantial ascendency. Mushk-i-Alam was a fanatic and patriot pure and simple, anxious chiefly for the deliverance of a land of Islam from the Infidel. There were members of the family of Dost Muhammed there, who had, of course, their own personal objects to serve. But, for the time being, all affected to be champions of the cause of Yakub Khan, whom, they contended, General Roberts had treacherously got into his power and bullied into abdication. They had with them Yakub's young son Musa