fence of her Creator-I fhudder at the recollection-Let me draw a veil acrofs it and proceed. In the penfive pofture, just described, did I fit for fome minutes, watching the gently fwelling tide, and blaming its tardy approach. When it pleafed the unfeen power (to express myfelf in the words of Thomfon) that rules the illimitable world, that guides its motions, from the brightest star, to the least duft of this fin-tainted 'mold,' to interfere and fnatch me from deftruction. 'I was fuddenly roufed from my awful reverie, by the voice of a woman at fome little distance, addrefling her child; as appeared from what followed, for they were neither of them vifible. In a foft plaintive tone she said, 'How, my dear, can you cry to me for bread, when you know I have not even a morfel to carry your dying father?" She then exclaimed, in all the bitterness of woe, My • God! my God! what wretchedness can compare to mine! But thy Almighty will be done. 6 The concluding words of the woman's pathetic exclamation communicated inftantaneously, like the electric fpark, to my desponding heart. I felt the full force of the divine admonition. And ftruck with horror at the crime I had intentionally committed, I burft into tears; repeating in a fincere ejaculation, the pious sentence she had uttered, Thy Almighty will be done!' 6 As I put my hand into my pocket to take out my handkerchief in order to dry my tears, I felt fome halfpence there which I did not know I was poffeffed of. And now my native humanity, which had been depreffed, as well as every other good propensity, by defpair, found means to refume its power in my mind. Impelled by its pleafing influence, I haftily run up the fteps, and having difcovered my hitherto invifible monitrefs, gave them to her. I received in return a thousand bleffings; to which I rather thought he had a right from me, for having been the means of obftructing my dire intents. I now returned to the place where the impious fcene was to have been acted, and humbly adored that Being who had by fuch an eventual circumftance counteracted it. And for the first and last time in my life felt a fenfation of happiness from finding there were per fons in the world more wretched than myfelf. I dare fay my much refpected Thomson's description of the miferies of human life will here occur to your recollection as they do to mine on a review of the incident. Ah little do the gay, licentious, proud, • Whom pleasure, power, and affluence furround; • Ah little think they, while they dance along, How many fink in the devouring flood, I am I am apprehensive I fhall tire you with this melancholy account of the extreme of despair into which your poor fallen friend was thus plunged. And yet, I flåtter myself, that an event fo interesting to me, will not be confidered as uninterefting to you. I will, however, think about bringing it to a conclufion; and with it conclude this proportionable long letter. Whilst I compared my own fituation with that of the poor woman, whose starving child and dying hufband occafioned her to vent fo pungently her grief, I received great fatisfaction from confidering that all thofe who were dear to me, as well from affection as the ties of blood, were in profperous circumftances. I had no one to care for, but the poor girl whofe affection kept her with me, and whom I regardad as my child. Having therefore adored the great Source of Good, for my recent deliverance from the fatal effects of my defpondency, I prayed that he would pardon the atrocious attempt; and concluded my petition with begging that he would grant me power to aflift her, and make her future days more comfortable. Having done this, I remounted the steps, and found my mind inexpreffibly relieved. The gloom which had fo lately overwhelmed it, was in an inftant cleared away, and a tranquillity, I had long been a ftranger to, fucceeded it. Such a fudden tranfition from the blackeft defpair to peace and hope, I was well affured could only have been effected by fome invifible agent for I never felt fuch a ray of comfort diffuse itself through my heart, fince thofe bleffed days of innocence I spent in my much regretted convent. It came o'er my mind,' (as the immortal bard describes the power of mufic) like the fweet South that breathes upon a bank of violets, stealing and giving odour.' Thefe fhort but interefting extracts may afford to our readers a fpecimen upon which they may judge for themselves of the ability and talents of Mrs. Bellamy. In our opinion her capacity is very confiderable; and we are difpofed to acknowledge that her compofition is generally natural and easy ; and on particular occafions folemn and forcible. What we leaft approve of is her Letter to Mr. Calcraft. For though this gentleman might have been as unworthy as he is reprefented, it was not right to addrefs him in a style fo full of bitterness and afperity. In the courfe of her Narrative there are recorded many theatrical anecdotes with great livelinefs of defcription. Her work alfo contains many curious notices of perfons not more illuftrious by their rank than their confequence: And, upon the whole the checkered tenor of her life exhibits many an useful leffon of virtue. Her character like that of every other mortal is mixed; and the calamities fhe suffered often fprung from the amiable fource of her benevolence. If the has loft herself on the ftream of unlawful pleasure, fhe was able to preferve uniformly the happy qualities of fincerity and gratitude. If he has felt the pangs of neglect and want, the can recollect the season when her heart melted with miferies not pot her own, and her hand fupplied with liberality the wretchednefs, which in the funne of her fortune the never dreamed that the was to know. Under the recollection of happier hours, and with a mind formed for elegant defires, The is at this moment an object for lamentation; and while in our literary capacity we are called upon to characterise her writings, we cannot refitt the opportunity of pointing out her cafe to the rich and fortunate. While they recollect her diftrefs they may indulge in the luxury of relieving it. ART. 11. The Hiftory of Greece. By William Mitford, Efq. The first Volume, London. 4to. 16s. Boards. Murray. IN [Concluded from our last,] N his fifth chapter Mr. Mitford exhibits a very curious and interefting account of the legiflation of Lycurgus. The eftablishment of a fenate by this fingular statesman, his divifion of property, his prohibition of the ufe of gold and filver, his ordination that the Spartans fhould eat at public tables only, and his other extraordinary regulations attract the particular attention of our author, and are inveftigated with a high hiftorical accuracy. We conceive, however, that his opinion of Lycurgus is by far too favourable; and we muft think that no politician, from the mere afcendancy of his geRius, could produce fuch a form of government as prevailed at Sparta. The fituation of his country directed Lycurgus, and pointed out more than fpeculation and theory the objects he purfued. The condition of land in fimple nations before the establishment of property, has an affinity to that ftate of equality which Lycurgus was fo industrious to establish, and while the manners of an early fociety fuggefted his plan, they facilitated its execution. The love of liberty, which is alfo fo ftrongly characteristic of such times, taught him to fofter the fpirit of independence; and by the turbulence of the people to check the prerogatives of the crown. He led his fellow citizens by their opinions; and did not mould them to his preconceived views. He acted from circumstances which he observed; and did not by the mere force of genius bend a nation to his wishes. Upon the fubject of the Lacedæmonian army, Mr. Mitford is ingenious and intelligent, 'There remain to us two accounts of the compofition of the Lacedæmonian Army, from authors both living when Sparta was in its highest glory, both military men, both of great abilities, and both poffeffing means of information fuch as few, not themselves Lacedæmonians, could obtain. In general they agree; but on fome effential points they differ, in a manner not to be accounted for but by the fuppofition of fome error in the tranfcription of their works. Ac cording cording to Xenophon, the legiflator diftributed the Lacedæmonian forces into fix divifions of foot and as many of horle; each of these divifions in either fervice having the title of Mora. The officers of each Mora of Infantry, he fays, were one Polemarch, four Lochages, eight Pentecofters, and fixteen Enomotarchs; but the number of foldiers he leaves unmentioned. Thucydides, without noticing the Mora, defcribes the Lacedæmonian infantry thus: Each Lochus confifted of four Pentecoftyes, and each pentecoftys of four Enomo ties: four men fought in the front of each enomoty: the depth of the files was varied according to circumftances at the difcretion of the lochage; but the ordinary depth was eight men.' Thus the enomoty would confift of thirty-two men, the pentecoftys of a hun dred and twenty-eight, the lochus of five hundred and twelve, and a mora compofed of four lochi would be two thousand and fortyeight. But, according to Xenophon, if the enomoty was of thirty-. two men, and it appears nearly certain that it was not of more, the pentecoftys would be but fixty-four, the lochus a hundred and twenty-eight, the mora only five hundred and twelve, and the whole Lacedæmonian infantry three thousand and feventy-two. We are, however, informed by Plutarch, that by the divifion of lands in Laconia only, before the acquifition of Meffenia, thirty-nine thousand families were provided for. The Lacedæmonians were not generally admitted to the honour of going upon fervice beyond the bounds of Laconia till after the age of thirty: yet, as the proportion of cavalry was very small, and every Lacedæmonian was a foldier, we cannot reckon the infantry much fewer than forty thoufand. In the Perfian war we fhall find ten thousand employed in one army beyond Peloponnefus, when a confiderable force befides was on diftant fervice with the fleet, and while an enemy within Peloponnefus would make a powerful defence neceffary at home. Thus it appears fcarcely dubious but there must be fome miftake in the copies of Xenophon. I have thought it nevertheless proper to be fo particular in a detail which cannot completely fatisfy, not only because of the well-earned fame of the Spartan military, but also because of the high character of the authors of thefe differing accounts, and farther because the impoffibility to reconcile them will at least apologize for deficiencies which may appear hereafter in relating operations of the Lacedæmonian forces. For the military reader will have obferved, that the difference is not merely in names and numbers, but materially regards the compofition of the Lacedæmonian armies. This, according to Thucydides, was formed with the utmost fimplicity, from the file of eight men, by an arithmetical progreffion of fours; and probably for fome purposes the file itself was divided into four quarter-files, But the half-file was of four men, which, doubled, became a file. Four files then made the enomoty, four enomoties the pentecoftys, four pentecoftyes the lochus, and, according to Xenophon, four lochi the inorą, which was thus analogous to the modern brigade of four battalions. Xenophon farther informs us, that the mora was the proper command of the polemarch. From both writers it appears that the polemarchs were general officers, fubordinate only to the kings; and this feems farther proof that Thucydides's account of the compofition of the lochus, and the calculation founded upon it of the ftrength of the mora, are juft, Subordination Subordination, in the Lacedæmonian difcipline, as Thucydides in pointed terms remarks, was fimple in principle but multiplied in degrees, fo that responsibility for due execution of orders was widely extended; the proportion of those who had no command being comparatively very small. Upon the whole, indeed, there appears great analogy between the compofition of the Lacedæmonian army and that of the modern European, particularly the English, whether, we take the lochus of Thucydides, or the mora of Xenophon, as a battalion. The resemblance in the formation was clofer till of very late years, when the deep files of the old difcipline have been totally rejected. Like the company, or tubdivifion of our battalions, the enomoty appears alfo to have been the Principle of Motion in the' Lacedæmonian forces. Whatever change was to be made in the extent of the line, in the depth of the files, or in the pofition of the front," the evolution feems to have been performed within each enomoty by itself; the juft reference of theie primary conftituent bodies to one another, and to the whole, being a fecond bufinets. Farther than this, for want of accurate knowledge of the technical phrafes, it is hazardous to attempt explanation of thofe evolutions of the Lacedæmonian troops which Xenophon has even minutely defcribed, and concerning which his applaufe highly excites curiolity. Some' other circumstances, however, he has related in terms fufficiently clear. Lycurgus, he fays, on account of the weakness of angles, directed the circular form for incampment; unlefs where a mountain, a river, or fone other accident of the ground afforded fecurity. A camp-guard was mounted daily; precifely, it fhould feem, analogous to the modern quarter-guard and rear-guard, to keep order within the camp. A different guard for the fame purpofe was mounted by night. For fecurity againft the enemy out-fentries and vedettes were pofted. An advanced guard of horfe always preceded the march of the army. Xenophon has thought it worth while par-' ticularly to mention that the Lacedæmonians wore a fcarlet uniform, and the origin of this he refers to Lycurgus. The Lacedæmonian troops were always fingularly well provided with all kinds of ufeful baggage and camp-neceffaries, and a large proportion of Helot fervants, laborers, and artifans attended, with waggons and beafts of burthen. It appears, indeed, to have been a principle of the Lacedæmonian fervice, that the foldier fhould be as much as poffible at ease when off duty, and should have no business but that of arms.” In his fixth chapter our author holds out to his reader a fummary view of a ftate of the northern provinces of Greece, and of the establishment of the early Grecian colonies; with the hiftory of Athens from the Trojan war to the first public tranfactions with Perfia. Here our author difcovers his ufual judgment and learning; and it is obfervable that he has applied them with the happiest fuccefs in explaining the forms of the Athenian commonwealth. His feventh chapter is employed in detailing a view of the nations politically connected with Greece; and it will be al-' lowed, that he has drawn very mafterly defcriptions of the Lydians, Scythians, Affyrians, and Perfians. Concerning the |