This is an attempt to characterize the peerage, by pointing refpectively to the private characters of the nobility. The fancy is not deficient in wit; and many of the mottoes are very happy. But the work is too long, and has a disgusting fameness in it. Art. 33. Appendix to Thoughts on Executive Justice, &c. Occafioned by a Charge given to the Grand Jury for the county of Surrey, at the Lent Affizes 1785, by the Hon. Sir Richard Perryn, Knt. one of the Barons of his Majefty's Court of Exchequer. 12mo. Dodfley.

This trifle, like the thing to which it refers, is of no value. It difcovers a great ferocity of difpofition, and a remarkable want of information on the subject he treats. At the fame time the author is very flenderly acquainted with the art of compofition.

Art. 34 A new French Spelling Book, with the English to every Word; or, a Syftem of Reading on a Plan fo entirely new, as not to bear the leaft Refemblance to any Thing of the Kind hitherto attempted. By the affiftance of which pupils may be taught to read in one-tenth part of the time ufually devoted to that purpofe. The words are divided into fyllables, not according to the number of letters, but according to the number of diftinct founds; two fyllables, that require but one emiffion of the voice, being here placed in the fame divifion, and confidered in effect but as one. Syllables of a particular termination are claffed together, and that useful arrangement is preferved through the whole work; which is likewife interfperfed with rules and remarks on the genders of nouns, and on profody, the accent being marked on every fyllable, where the knowledge of it can be of any ufe in helping the reader to the right utterance of the found. By Mr. Du Mitand, teacher of Greek and Latin, of French, Italian, and moft of the European living tongues; and author of several fchool books, grammars, and other works. 12mo. Is. Crowder, 1784.

This appears to be a very curious performance. It is written by a perfon, who, we believe, has the reputation of being the best French teacher in the metropolis, and it is infinitely more copious than any thing of the kind yet extant. We perceive in it indeed, a little of that profeffional ingenuity, which was calculated to hinder the book from being a fufficient mafter of pronunciation by itself, if that had been poffible, But perhaps it was not; and fuch as it is, it will afford confiderable affiftance to the perfon, who is imperfectly verfed in the fubject; and will be of fervice both to the proficient and the learner, by its tendency to the reducing the anomalies of Gallic caprice, to fomething of a regular fyftem.

Art. 35. The Coalition; or Family Anecdotes. A Novel. By Mrs. Boys. Dedicated by permiffion to Mrs. Haftings. 2 vols. 12mo. 75. Bew. 1785.

This novel partakes of thofe defects, which we are but too often obliged to confefs in the productions of female pens, a loose, indigefted ftyle, and an extreme inattention to grammatical propriety. The political allufions which the title promifes, are not more farfetched than they are illiberal; and can only originate in an internperate, mifguided zeal. But in fpite of these blemishes, we do not

hefitate

The

hesitate to pronounce the performance extremely fuperior to the majority of books of this defcription which we are obliged to perufe. The plot is ingenioufly formed, and the incidents are accompanied with the reflections of a fenfible and cultivated mind. modefty of the author is confpicuous: fhe avoids all attempt at the pathetic, and he has not afpired to much refinement of character and exquifitenefs of humour. But on the other hand, her denoument is conceived with peculiar felicity, and executed with a mastery little inferior to any thing of the kind that was ever attempted. Art. 36. The Stone Coffin; or, A new Way of making Love. A Pocm. Dedicated (without permiflion) to Lady C 4to. Is. Cattermoul.

And a new way of making titles too, my good friend! But, it feems, the heroine was willing to out-do "the famous Queen Dido, "that was enamoured of a brazen bull." In a word, the author having poured out his eternal nonfenfe for twenty pages together, now thinks to expiate his offence, by facrificing decency at the fame fhrine, at which he had before facrificed common fenfe.

For the ENGLISH REVIEW.

NATIONAL AFFAIRS.
[For JUNE, 1785.]

IRELAND.

THILE the British parliament fits in judgment on the propo

WE

fitions for regulating our commerce with Ireland, the parliament of that kingdom adjourns, doubtful of the course they ought to pursue till they know our determinations; and keeping ftill a watchful and jealous eye upon our conduct. The infinite multiplicity of confiderations that must be attended to, and which the apprehenfions of manufacturers force upon the attention of the legiflature, joined with the rivality of the two nations, lay fuch a foundation for debate and altercation, as feldom occurs even in the councils of free and enlightened ftates. As a great part of the reasoning on this intricate fubject confifts in conjecture and anticipation of contingencies, it might, like the metaphyfical disputes of the fchools, afford to the various fubtlety of the human mind matter of debate, not for one century, but for ever. For where are precedents to be found in the hiftory of these or other kingdoms for fettling this new conjuncture of affairs, if you proceed upon juftice or the law of nature and nations? or by what certain criterion are we to judge concerning the effect of laws involving fo vaft a variety of fluctuating and unforeseen circumftances, if you decide upon the principles of utility and national advantage? The minifter foreseeing endless debates, and aware of the importance of a quick decifion, haftens the business all that is in his power. If prolonged argument tends to fharpen the tempers of individuals, and fects, and parties, even where the subject of debate is not mingled with any real, or rather

vifible

visible intereft or advantage; much more is it to be apprehended, that the humours of rival nations will be foured by continued contention concerning matters of the greatest moment, and whofe difcuffion infallibly tends to ftimulate and inflame the paffions both of avarice, and national pride and emulation.

If no preliminaries, if nothing fubftantial be settled between the two kingdoms before the receffes of the two parliaments, there is ground to apprehend, that the jealoufies of the manufacturers fhould unite them into fuch a compact and formidable body as would in the end defeat the views of the prefent administration. But. whether this event, if it fhould ever happen, ought to be regarded as a fubject of triumph or of regret, is a matter of doubt and uncertainty. Where national antipathies prevail, and real or imaginary oppofition of interefts, treaties of commerce extended on paper with the nicest caution and art are of no avail. It is power alone that gives efficacy to laws, whether over states or individuals. Individuals of the fame fociety and under the fame governments, pay obedience to the laws because the authority of the fovereign is able to enforce them. Independent kingdoms watch for opportunities of evading treaties by fophiftry, or breaking through thein by violence. Written agreements between nations are not obferved longer than conveniency requires; nor furvive for any length of time the humour and the varying circumftances in which they were made. There is no common head to give harmony to the different members of one body. As for the powers that guarantee political fettlements, their interefts, for the moft part change, as well as the fituations and paffions of the parties in whofe cause they interpofe their mediation. Ireland, effentially independent and divided from Great Britain, owns not any third power of controul in any difpute that may arise between the nations. Where then is the utility of commercial regulations ? Formal compacts upon a thousand points, fome of them of no mighty confequence, prefent as many opportunities, and temptations too, of bringing the force of the commercial treaties to the trial, and defying the authority of the British legiflature. It would have been better policy, perhaps, to have left the Irish to themselves, to have fuffered the mercantile mania, like that of their Volunteers, to fubfide through time, or perhaps, in imitation of the prudent conduct of the Irish parliament towards thofe armed affociators, to have oppofed their brifknefs with refolution, while their tempers fhould have been managed with flattering praifes and kind expreffions.†

But, in the political conduct of England towards the fifter kingdom we may difcern, how naturally men run from one extreme to another, and how difficult a matter it is to balance the paflions, and refrain and regulate the impulfes of the mind, fo as to purfue

The conduct of the Irish parliament, in fpeaking foftly to and of the Volunteers, while they rejected their petition for a reform, is at once a counter-part and fatyr on that of the English miniftry, with regard to the Americans. The English government talked in a threatening and contemptuous tone, but neglected the moment of action.

without

without turning either to the right or left, the ftrait way of reafon. On the first appearances of infurrection in America, we laughed at the folly of the deluded infurgents, and were inclined to pity their weaknefs and precipitation. In proportion as the report of a revolt gained ground, we raifed the tone of our contempt, and began to change our pity into indignation. We pronounced the Americans to be cowards, and thereby provoked too serious a refutation of that unmerited reproach. Confcious now, that the fpirit of liberty, erecting her standard among an united people, on ground fo advantageous as North America to her caufe, is invincible, we confound all diftinctions of caufe, character, and local fituation.The contemners of the Americans appear the fervile flatterers of the Irish. How fudden the revolutions in the fentiments even of nations! Having granted to Ireland all that juftice could require, or warrant, there the British legislature fhould have stopped. It ought fill to have preferved a fupreme and controuling power: and this it might have done, if the reflux of that spirit and pride which followed the war terminated in 1763, had not been in proportion to the giddy height of its utmost elevation. Ireland is at our doors: the Irifh though brave, are neither industrious nor united. No real caufe of complaint exifts: and the chief men of the country are connected with England. A naval arfenal at MilfordHaven, would have longer preferved peace with Ireland than all the provifions that can poffibly be comprehended in the most voluminous treaty, fhould it ever be formed, that has yet appeared in the whole diplomatical history.

In the prefent conjuncture of affairs, a permanent union between Great Britain and Ireland is to be effected only by a national union. In procefs of time, this, there is fome reason to hope, will be effected. And certainly it is eafy to forefee that England and Ireland muft henceforth be more united, or more divided than they have ever been. If they thould be more united, and one head fhould call forth the energy, and direct the movements of the whole, the British empire might perhaps yet rife to an envied pre-eminence among the nations. A pre-eminence more durable than that from which fhe has lately fallen, because, it is prefumed, that experience has now taught her political wifdom and moderation. Scotland is a kingdom greatly inferior in natural fertility and fituation, as well as in number of inhabitants, to Ireland. And it is cafy to trace a confiderable fhare of the profperity of England to its union with Scotland.

If on the other hand, there fhould be a total feparation between the kingdoms, that feparation would not only affect the interests of Great Britain. It would materially influence the balance of power in Europe. Neighbouring nations, like neighbouring Lords and and Chieftains, are generally at variance with one another. There was not a village in New Zealand which Captain Cook, with his companions, vifited, but exhorted him to deftroy their neighbours. This principle of animofity is by no means dependent on ideas of interest, and seems to be common to mankind, with wolves, and tygers, and other ferocious animals. The natives of Nantucket, who live

folely

folely on oyfters and other fhell-fifh, with perhaps a little fruit and the fpontaneous productions of the earth, are divided by a ridge of hills, into two nations, though derived from the fame origin. The inhabitants on the weft fide, and thofe on the eaft, are animated against each other, on no other account than that of the natural barrier, by the moft furious and implacable hatred, which ever and anon breaks out into the fiercet hoft.lities. Now if there is fuch refentment between neighbouring nations, where there is no real oppofition of interefts, much more may we expect, that the most violent contests will divide Ireland and England, if a famenefs of government shall not melt them down into one focial and friendly empire. If a divifion between the two kingdoms fhould take place, then that would happen which has uniformly happened, and now obtains on the face of the whole globe. Nations feparated from each other by the intervention or interjacency of a nation, hoftile because contiguous to both, would be friendly to one another. France would take part with Ireland; Spain and great part of Germany, with Great Britain. This new order of affairs would involve a great many other powers, and effect both various and memorable revolutions.

ENGLISH MANUFACTURES.

The prefent embarraffment with Ireland has furnished an opportunity of difcerning fome features, hitherto perhaps unnoticed in the characters of different claffes of people in England. The clafs, or in the fashionable ftile of parliament, the defcription of men who are the most alarmed at the Irish propofitions, are the manufacturers. As this numerous body form the great fupport of English profperity, fo when the interest of England feems to be oppofed by that of another country, they are the most zealous and active in the public, because it is their own caufe, The merchant compared with the manufacturer, is, to the prefent grand bufinefs of parlia ment, indifferent. The merchant is not fo much confined as the manufacturer, to one fpot, He is more a citizen of the world. If he does not find employment for his capital in one channel, he looks about for another. It is no great matter to him, provided he can find a ready market for his goods, whether they be exported or imported, in Irish or in English veffels, The work-houses, the materials, the inftruments of the manufacturer, cannot be fo eafily moved as bills of credit. They are fo many cords which bind him to the foil. He is lefs a citizen of the world than the merchant, and more of an Englishman. It might therefore be expected, in cafe of any convulfion that the fafety of the ftate would depend more on the efforts of the manufacturing than the mercantile interest.

It is true, that all patentees and monopolifts, among whom we are to rank, and in the very first place the Weft India merchants, are as much awakened by the prefent conjuncture, as the moft fharp-fighted manufacturer from Birmingham or Manchester. But this is not the cafe with the merchant at large, and forms not any exception to our general reasoning,

The price of provifions and other articles are intimately connected