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-having observed, that new circumstances and situations always pro

duce new consequences, declares his conviction, that some late innovations in Britain portend changes, and very important ones too, in her freedom, wealth, and power; and that in a very short space of time. "The Commons can no longer make ufe of that great con: troul on the power of the Crown, the command of the purse; that the House of Lords was misled, last winter, by the incre whisper of the wishes of the Sovereign ; that the spirit of a very spirited House of Commons, was not able to secure its dependence; that the late movements of the people have made it plain, that they cannot be trusted with their own fafety; and that when the Crown was advifed to make an appeal to the people, against the House of Commons, it received a stroke, of which, at present, it little fees the consequer.ces. -The truth of this last position the author endeavours to illustrate, by an account of appeals from the Throne to the People against parliament.

This mode of reafoning by a selection of unfortunate appeals, has an impofing air, but it is not folid. For there are instances in the English history, of fortunate appeals to the people ; and the caso alluded to, is probably one of them. The unhappy appeals mentioned by our author, were made in very different circumstances from those that justified the dissolution of the last parliament ;-that there was no reason for diffolving that parliament, our author fets himself to prove, by a very able, and, and in many instances, a complete juftification of Mr. Fox's East India bill. And he certainly shews, to the satisfaction of every candid reader that many enormities were provided against by Mr. Fox's East India Bill, which in Mr. Pitt's are either countenanced or connived at. Art. 34. The Danger of violent Innovations in the State èxem

plified from the Reigns of the two Stuarts; in a Sermon preached at the Cathedral and metropolitical Church of Christ, Canter: bury, on Monday, Jan. 31. 1785, being the Day appointed to be kept as the Anniversary of the Martyrdom of King Charles I. By George Berkley, D. L. late Student of Christ-church, Oxford, Vice-dean of Canterbury, and Chancellor of Brecknock. 4to. 15. Johnfon.

Dr. Berkley, having endeavoured to prove that civil government is “the ordinance of God," gives a sketch of the history of England under James I. and his son Charles. In this part of his discourse he endeavours to shew, that the practice of former monarchs, and the undefined state of the constitution, were, in some measure, a justification of the regal proceedings at that time. He next proceeds to weigh the advantages and disadvantages of a parliamentary reform; and though he confiders innovation as a dangerous experiment, yet he exhorts to submission, should a reform be deemed neceffary by. the legislature. In the conclufion, individual reformation is stronglyr. recommended, as the fureft foundation of a general reform. From the state of parties the difcourse will not meet with universal approbation, but it is moderate, and not unworthy of a Christian minifter. Art. 35. A Sermon occasioned by the Death of Mrs. Philips, preached at Keighley in Yorkshire, July 11, 1784. By the Rev.

T. Lillie

T. Lillie, Minister at Bingley, Bradford. Printed and sold for the Author by J. Nicholion and Son. 8vo. 6d. Buckland.. London.

A Good pious discourse, which might be relished at Keighley ; but Mr. Lillie will acquire no literary reputation by the Publi, cation. Art. 36. The Scripture Lexicon, or a Dictionary of above three

thousand proper Names of Persons and Places mentioned in the Bible, with the Etymon or Derivation, and the Description of the greater Part of them, divided into Syllables ; with their proper Accentuations; together with the Explanation of many Words and Things in the Bible, which are not generally understood,

Svo. 35. 6d. Birmingham, printed by Piercy and Jones for J Johnson. London, 1784.

The ample title-page fully explains the intention of the work ; which feems to be executed with care and ability,

We recommend it to young Clergymen, who in reading the lessons fometimes disfigure Bible Names by placing the accent improperly. Art. 37. Defence of opposition with respect to their con:

duct on Irish affairs, with explanatory notes, dedicated to the Right Hon. C. J. Fox. By an Irish Gentleman, a member of the Whig club. 8vo. 25. Stockdale, London, 1785.

In a short address to Mr. Fox, our author tells him, that the pub, lic are surprized to hear that he, and those he is in the habit of vor ting with (including his new friends) intend to oppose the bill for founding a commercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland upon the basis of mutual advantage. The consistencey cf his char. acter, however he truits will protect him from such calúmnies. The author proceeds to vindicate opposition by extracts of various of their own speeches in parliament; thefe extracts contain the strongest recommendation of some of the measures: now under difcufion, for establishing a fair and equal trade between Britain and Ireland. To this defence, is subjoined, an appendix which contains several dis; tinct articles. A yindication of the commercial resolutions of the Irish parliament, with an authentic copy of the resolutions. II. A short view of the proposa's lateiy made for the final adjustment of the commercial syftem between Great Britain and Ireland. The author concludes with fome reflections on the arrangements with Ireland, His ideas are nearly the same with those of Lord Sheffield, Mr. Smith, and other sensible writers on this subject. Art. 38.

38. Impartial Reflections upon the question for equalizing the duties upon the trade between Great Britain and Ireland. By the Right Hon. Lord Mountmories. Almon, London, 1785:

Lord Mountmorres in this short tract which contains a number of just remarks, points out the value and mercantile importance of Ireland to this country, and fliews the very unequal and unjust terms on which Great Britain and Ireland -trade; it appears that“ when Enga land lays a duty of forty shillings upon the importation of Irith “ goods, Ireland lays a duty of fixpence on the same article." He

recommends

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recommends an equalization of the duties upon the trade of both
kingdoms.
Art. 39. 4 gleam of Comfort to this distracted Empire, in

despite of Faction, violence, and Cunning, demonstrating the fair-
ness and reasonableness of national Confidence in the present
Ministery. Addressed to every Englishman, who has at hcart the
real Happiness of his Country. 8vo, 2s. Debrett, 1785

The author of this pamphlet is a warm partisap of Mr. Fox and the opposition; and his performance from beginning to end is a burlesque on Mr. Pitt and the present adminiftration,

We hall present our reader with a short fpecimen of his abilities,

" Lord North's coalition with Mr. Fox had infalibly funk this ☆ island in the ocean, if the grace of heaven had not sent Pitt to save

us, a mortal Meffiah! The miffionary of Providence ! The

Light of lights! The Sun of suns! The fountain of Lumination! 4. The chosen gift of God!-Not the maid of Orleans to the French, " not the maid of Kent to the English, not Becket to Bigots, not “ Mahomet to Ottomans, not Jack of Leyden to Anabaptists, not “ the royal Touch or Papal Toe to infidility and infection, were $ half so holy, half fo healing, half so divine as William Pite to 66 this nation !!!

This performance throughout, exhibits strength of reasoning, wit, irony, and abilities. But it will weet with very different receptions from different men. Art. 40. Thoughts on the merits of the Westminster Scrutiny,

and the probable causes of its institution. 8vo. is. cd. Debrett. · The author of this tract is a warm friend of Mr. Fox, Mr. Pitt, and the present Administration, the high Bailiff and his court are the objects of his vengeance. He makes fome observations on the conduct of the House of Commons which even in this laud af liberty; will be generally thought to border on indecency. Art. 41. Mauufactures improper Subjefts of Taxation; addref

ed to the Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Britain. Being an attempt to prove that the riches and power of the nation depend in a great degree upon Manufactures, being free of all Taxation, 8vo. is. Walter, 1785.

That taxes on Manufactures are a burthen on trade is very true, but then we must have better substitutes than any our author proposes before we can give them up. Let it be remembered that the pational debt at this day, is near three hundred millions sterling-It is evident that in order to preserve our credit, the interest of this enormous fum must be paid and the wheels of government must also be kept in motion, which if we mistake not, requires nearly a sum of fixteen millions per annum.

Taxes therefore muft be imposed to this extent and if these are laid upon the nation justly and fairly, and according to the abilities of every individual, we should be giar o know how fixteen million of neat revenue, could poffibly be raid annually in great Britain niti out taxing inanufacturers. Art. 42. An Heroic Episile to Major Scott; with Notes bifrorical

and' explanatory. Dedicated to Edmund Burke, Esq; B; of the Cadwalladers. 4to, is, 6d. Kearsley, 1785.

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An attempt, in wretched rhyme, to commemorate the progenitors of this celebrated personage. The author seems, however, to have more reason than rhyme, if, as he says, the Major was ridiculous to boast of his ancefry, in a speech in St. Stephen's Chapel, con: fcious at the same time, that his father had been a jailer, and his bifter a skeleton wire-maker in Friday-street,

For the ENGLISH REVIEW.

National Affairs.

IRISH PROPOSITIONS, "ROM prefent appearances there is reason to hope for such an

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at leait for a time, prevent any open rupture between the two nations. The conduct of the minister in this arduous undertaking, if it shall be happily accomplished, (for fortune often decides concerning the characters of men) will, no doubt, be a subject of praise to future historians. This young statesman displays in his administration more of the political versatility of advanced years, than of the decisive intrepidity of youth. His bills, with his own consent, have undergone more alterations than any of those of his predecessors in an equal space of time. He assumes the appearance pf candour, and seems ever open to instruction ; except on the point of the shop tax, which we helitate not to pronounce oppressive, partial, unjuit, and in fine unconstitutional. His measures are not of that determined, masculine, and bold nature which distinguished the fhort administration of Mr. Fox. If he cannot obtain the whole, he rests contented with a partial attainment of his object ; and under the semblance of firm, though pliant virtue, he has an opportunity of fixing himself in power, while he seems to consult the inclinations of a free people.

But, however private and selfifh confiderations may mingle with the public views of the minister, it is certain that the pliancy, the prudence, or in plain and intelligible language, the artifice of his management in the character of a MEDIATORIAĻ LEGISTATOR for Great Britain and Ireland, will be generally regarded by all wise politicians with approbation. Ireland, in great emotion, in an elevated, passionate, and threatening tone, demanded such an arrangement for her future connection with England, as might be worthy of an independent, and high-spirited nation. In fuch a temper, all the reservations, and exceptions, and caucion, and explanation that were necessary to satisfy the jealousy, and, in a few instances, to do justice to the manufacturers of England, would have provoked their indignation, perhaps their fury. Unbounded con. cession, the most equal and generous terms were presented, in their great outlines brought close together on the glowing canvas, as a iketch fitted by its dignity, sweetness, and grace, to soothe their resentment, and to prolong their connection with this kingdom.

This sketch was afterwards to be developed into a painting of greater magnitude; the back ground to be filled up; and the dc

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lign rendered complete. It was to retain all its original benignity of expression, but that benignity was to be diffused over a greater variety of objects. It was to embrace not a part, but the whole of the British islands.

The propoiitions for establishing lasting concord between the two nations, were produced in the Irish parliament. They poffeffed an air of justice and generosity which could not fail of recommending them to the generality of the nation. The Irish, foftened, and in good humour, were in a difpofition to listen to the conditions of fair equality ; to the suggestions of impartial justice. And now the Irish propositions are examined and modified a-new, by the British parliament. Numberless, attentions are paid to numberlels commercial objects : and he interests of England, as far as thc lie berty of Ireland would admit, are provided for. So minute and jealous an attention, indeed has been paid to these interests, that had that attention, and the changes it has operated in the propofitions entered into them and struck the eye on their first appearance, there would have been danger, left they should have excited an alarm and jealousy among that people, whose dissatisfaction they were designed to allay, and whose favour they were iutended to conciliate. The conduct of Mr. Pitt, therefore, with regard to Ireland, for we make not the least doubt that the propofitions modified by the English, will be accepted and ratified, with little alteration, by the Irish parliament, displays a considerable share of mderation, policy, and management of the pallions of men and nations.

At first fight it appears, that in the compact between England and Ireland, now negociating, the advantage lies on the side of the lat.

Since the low price of labour, and of the necetiaries of life, joined to felicity of situation, must fooner or later, as is generally thought, draw the capitals, the industry, and the skill of Britain to the neighbouring kingdom.

Few questions in politics or in trade open fo wide a field as this for moral speculation. What are the bands that link mankind together into different focieties, and form families, tribes, and nations ? and what the discordant principles that set them at variance? It is not loss and gain only; it is not only what is commonly called intereft, that is the cause of association in the one case, or of repulsion in the other. It is the social principle that disposes us to enter, hy sympathy, into the situation, and to find rest to our fouls, by mingling our sentiments and affections with those around us. It is this am abie principle, this source of all the tender charities of life, which is the great bond of society and fupport of nations. The foftest emotions of the mind are of the focial and benevolent kind; and the dearest objects of attachment are our fellow-men. It is not houses and lands, abounding in all the variegated luxuries of minerals and vegetables, and animal life: it is not these which draw the mind to particular spots, and form those various affections which are excited in the mind by the idea of one's country. It is the nearer concerns of acquaintance, relations, friends ; it is these which diffuse by innumerable moral associations that pleasing and tender emotion which, in foreign climes, spring up in the stranger's breait when he recollects the land of his Rativity. Whas though men roam through the most distant regions

ter.

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