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having obferved, that new circumftances and fituations always produce new confequences, declares his conviction, that some late innovations in Britain portend changes, and very important ones too, in her freedom, wealth, and power; and that in a very short space of time. The Commons can no longer make ufe of that great con troul on the power of the Crown, the command of the purse; that the Houfe of Lords was mifled, laft winter, by the mere whisper of the wishes of the Sovereign; that the spirit of a very spirited House of Commons, was not able to fecure its dependence; that the late movements of the people have made it plain, that they cannot be trusted with their own fafety; and that when the Crown was advifed to make an appeal to the people, against the Houfe of Commons, it received a stroke, of which, at prefent, it little fees the confequences. -The truth of this laft pofition the author endeavours to illustrate, by an account of appeals from the Throne to the People against parliament.

This mode of reafoning by a felection of unfortunate appeals, has an impofing air, but it is not folid. For there are inftances in the English history, of fortunate appeals to the people; and the cafe alluded to, is probably one of them. The unhappy appeals mentioned by our author, were made in very different circumstances from thofe that justified the diffolution of the last parliament;-that there was no reason for diffolving that parliament, our author sets himself to prove, by a very able, and, and in many inftances, a complete juftification of Mr. Fox's Eaft India bill. And he certainly fhews, to the fatisfaction of every candid reader that many enormities were provided against by Mr. Fox's Eaft India Bill, which in Mr. Pitt's are either countenanced or connived at.

Art. 34. The Danger of violent Innovations in the State exem plified from the Reigns of the two Stuarts; in a Sermon preached at the Cathedral and metropolitical Church of Christ, Canter bury, on Monday, Jan. 31. 1785, being the Day appointed to be kept as the Anniverfary of the Martyrdom of King Charles I. By George Berkley, D. L. late Student of Chrift-church, Oxford, Vice-dean of Canterbury, and Chancellor of Brecknock. 4to. 19. Johnson.

Dr. Berkley, having endeavoured to prove that civil government is "the ordinance of God," gives a fketch of the hiftory of England under James I. and his fon Charles. In this part of his difcourfe he endeavours to fhew, that the practice of former monarchs, and the undefined state of the conftitution, were, in fome measure, a juftification of the regal proceedings at that time. He next proceeda to weigh the advantages and difadvantages of a parliamentary reform; and though he confiders innovation as a dangerous experiment, yet he exhorts to fubmiffion, should a reform be deemed neceffary by the legislature. In the conclufion, individual reformation is stronglyrecommended, as the fureft foundation of a general reform. From the ftate of parties the difcourfe will not meet with univerfal appro bation, but it is moderate, and not unworthy of a Christian minifter. Art. 35. A Sermon occafioned by the Death of Mrs. Philips, preached at Keighley in Yorkshire, July 11, 1784. By the Rev. T. Lillie

T. Lillie, Minifter at Bingley, Bradford. Printed and fold for the Author by J. Nicholfon and Son. 8vo. 6d. Buckland.. London.

A Good pious difcourfe, which might be relifhed at Keighley; but Mr. Lillie will acquire no literary reputation by the Publication.

Art. 36. The Scripture Lexicon, or a Dictionary of above three thousand proper Names of Perfons and Places mentioned in the Bible, with the Etymon or Derivation, and the Defcription of the greater Part of them, divided into Syllables; with their proper Accentuations; together with the Explanation of many Words and Things in the Bible, which are not generally understood, Svo. 35. 6d. Birmingham, printed by Piercy and Jones for J. Johnfon. London, 1784.

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The ample title-page fully explains the intention of the work which feems to be executed with care and ability. We recom mend it to young Clergymen, who in reading the leffons fometimes disfigure Bible Names by placing the accent improperly. Art. 37. Defence of oppofition with refpect to their conduct on Irish affairs, with explanatory notes, dedicated to the Right Hon. C. J. Fox. By an Irish Gentleman, a member of the Whig club. 8vo. 2s. Stockdale, London, 1785.

In a fhort address to Mr. Fox, our author tells him, that the pub lic are furprized to hear that he, and thofe he is in the habit of vo ting with (including his new friends) intend to oppofe the bill for founding a commercial intercourfe between Great Britain and Ireland upon the bafis of mutual advantage. The confiftencey of his char acter, however he trufts will protect him from fuch calumnies. The author proceeds to vindicate oppofition by extracts of various of their own fpeeches in parliament; thefe extracts contain the frongest recommendation of fome of the measures now under difcufion, for eftablishing a fair and equal trade between Britain and Ireland. To this defence, is fubjoined, an appendix which contains feveral dif tinct articles. A vindication of the commercial refolutions of the Irish parliament, with an authentic copy of the refolutions. II. A fhort view of the propofa's lately made for the final adjustment of the commercial fyftem between Great Britain and Ireland. The author concludes with fome reflections on the arrangements with Ireland, His ideas are nearly the fame with thofe of Lord Sheffield, Mr. Smith, and other fenfible writers on this subject.

Art. 38. Impartial Reflections upon the Question for equalizing the duties upon the trade between Great Britain and Ireland. By the Right Hon. Lord Mountmories. 8vo. 25. Almon, London, 1785.

Lord Mountmorres in this fhort tract which contains a number of just remarks, points out the value and mercantile importance of Ireland to this country, and fhews the very unequal and unjust terms on which Great Britain and Ireland trade; it appears that " when Eng

land lays a duty of forty fhillings upon the importation of Irith "goods, Ireland lays a duty of fixpence on the fame article." He

recommends

recommends an equalization of the duties upon the trade of both kingdoms.

Art. 39. A gleam of Comfort to this diftrated Empire, in defpite of Faction, violence, and Cunning, demonftrating the fairnefs and reasonableness of national Confidence in the prefent Miniftery. Addreffed to every Englishman, who has at heart the real Happiness of his Country. 8vo. 2s. Debrett, 1785. The author of this pamphlet is a warm partifan of Mr. Fox and the oppofition; and his performance from beginning to end is a burlefque on Mr. Pitt and the prefent adminiftration.

We fhall prefent our reader with a fhort fpecimen of his abilities. "Lord North's coalition with Mr. Fox had infalibly funk this ❝ifland in the ocean, if the grace of heaven had not fent Pitt to fave 46 us, a mortal Meffiah! The miffionary of Providence! The "Light of lights! The Sun of funs! The fountain of Lumination! "The chofen gift of God!-Not the maid of Orleans to the French, not the maid of Kent to the English, not Becket to Bigots, not "Mahomet to Ottomans, not Jack of Leyden to Anabaptifts, not "the royal Touch or Papal Toe to infidility and infection, were "half fo holy, half fo healing, half fo divine as William Pitt to this nation!"

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This performance throughout, exhihits ftrength of reafoning, wit, irony, and abilities. But it will meet with very different re

ceptions from different men. Art. 40. Thoughts on the merits of the Westminster Scrutiny, and the probable caufes of its inftitution. 8vo. 1s. Cd. Debrett. The author of this tract is a warm friend of Mr. Fox. Mr. Pitt, and the prefent Administration, the high Bailiff and his court are the objects of his vengeance. He makes fome obfervations on the conduct of the Houfe of Commons which even in this land of liberty; will be generally thought to border on indecency.

Art. 41. Mauufactures improper Subjefts of Taxation; addref ed to the Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Britain. Being an attempt to prove that the riches and power of the nation depend in a great degree upon Manufactures, being free of all Taxation. 8vo. is. Walter, 1785.

That taxes on Manufactures are a burthen on trade is very true, but then we must have better fubftitutes than any our author propofes before we can give them up. Let it be remembered that the pational debt at this day, is near three hundred millions fterling-It is evident that in order to preferve our credit, the intereft of this enormous fum must be paid and the wheels of government must also be kept in motion, which if we mistake not, requires nearly a fum of fixteen millions per annum. Taxes therefore must be imposed to this extent and if these are laid upon the nation juftly and fairly, and according to the abilities of every individual, we fhould be glad o know how fixteen million of neat revenue, could poffibly be raif ₫ annually in great Britain without taxing manufacturers. Art. 42. An Heroic Epifile to Major Scott; with Notes hiftorical and explanatory. Dedicated to Edmund Burke, Efq; B the Cadwalladers. 4to, 13. 6d. Kearsley. 1785.

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An attempt, in wretched rhyme, to commemorate the progenitors of this celebrated perfonage. The author feems, however, to have more reafon than rhyme, if, as he fays, the Major was ridiculous to boast of his ancefry, in a fpeech in St. Stephen's Chapel, confcious at the fame time, that his father had been a jailer, and his fifter a skeleton wire-maker in Friday-street.

For the ENGLISH REVIEW.

National Affairs.

IRISH PROPOSITION S,

Fadil of a fairs between Great Britain and Ireland, as will,

ROM prefent appearances there is reafon to hope for fuch an

at least for a time, prevent any open rupture between the two na tions. The conduct of the minifter in this arduous undertaking, if it fhall be happily accomplished, (for fortune often decides concerning the characters of men) will, no doubt, be a fubject of praife to future hiftorians. This young ftatefman displays in his adminiftration more of the political verfatility of advanced years, than of the decifive intrepidity of youth. His bills, with his own confent, have undergone more alterations than any of those of his predeceffors in an equal space of time. He affumes the appearance of candour, and feems ever open to instruction; except on the point of the hop tax, which we helitate not to pronounce oppreffive, partial, unjust, and in fine unconftitutional. His measures are not of that determined, masculine, and bold nature which diftinguished the fhort administration of Mr. Fox. If he cannot obtain the whole, he refts contented with a partial attainment of his object; and under the femblance of firm, though pliant virtue, he has an opportunity of fixing himself in power, while he feems to confult the incli nations of a free people.

But, however private and felfish confiderations may mingle with the public views of the minifter, it is certain that the pliancy, the prudence, or in plain and intelligible language, the artifice of his management in the character of a MEDIATORIAL LEGISTATOR for Great Britain and Ireland, will be generally regarded by all wife politicians with approbation. Ireland, in great emotion, in an elevated, paffionate, and threatening tone, demanded fuch an arrangement for her future connection with England, as might be worthy of an independent, and high-fpirited nation. In fuch a temper, all the refervations, and exceptions, and caution, and explanation that were neceflary to fatisfy the jealoufy, and, in a few inftances, to do juftice to the manufacturers of England, would have provoked their indignation, perhaps their fury. Unbounded con. ceffion, the most equal and generous terms were presented, in their great outlines brought clofe together on the glowing canvas, as a ketch fitted by its dignity, sweetnefs, and grace, to foothe their refentment, and to prolong their connection with this kingdom.

This sketch was afterwards to be developed into a painting of greater magnitude; the back ground to be filled up; and the de

fign

fign rendered complete. It was to retain all its original benignity of expreffion, but that benignity was to be diffused over a greater variety of objects. It was to embrace not a part, but the whole of the British islands.

The propofitions for establishing lafting concord between the two nations, were produced in the Irish parliament. They poffeffed an air of justice and generofity which could not fail of recommending them to the generality of the nation. The Irifh, foftened, and in good humour, were in a difpofition to liften to the conditions of fair equality; to the fuggeftions of impartial juftice. And now the Irish propofitions are examined and modified a-new, by the British parliament. Numberlefs, attentions are paid to numberless commercial objects: and he interefts of England, as far as the liberty of Ireland would admit, are provided for. So minute and jealous an attention, indeed has been paid to these interests, that had that attention, and the changes it has operated in the propofitions entered into them and ftruck the eye on their first appearance, there would have been danger, left they should have excited an alarm and jealoufy among that people, whofe diffatisfaction they were defigned to allay, and whofe favour they were intended to conciliate. The conduct of Mr. Pitt, therefore, with regard land, for we make not the leaft doubt that the propofitions modified by the English, will be accepted and ratified, with little alteration, by the Irish parliament, difplays a confiderable fhare of moderation, policy, and management of the paffions of men and nations.

ter.

At first fight it appears, that in the compact between England and Ireland, now negociating, the advantage lies on the fide of the lat Since the low price of labour, and of the neceffaries of life, joined to felicity of fituation, muft fooner or later, as is generally thought, draw the capitals, the industry, and the skill of Britain to the neighbouring kingdom.

Few questions in politics or in trade open fo wide a field as this for moral fpeculation. What are the bands that link mankind together into different focieties, and form families, tribes, and nations? and what the difcordant principles that fet them at variance? It is not lofs and gain only; it is not only what is commonly called intereft, that is the caufe of affociation in the one cafe, or of repulfion in the other. It is the focial principle that difpofes us to enter, by fympathy, into the fituation, and to find reft to our fouls, by mingling our fentiments and affections with thofe around us. It is this amiable principle, this fource of all the tender charities of life, which is the great bond of fociety and fupport of nations. The fofteft emotions of the mind are of the focial and benevolent kind; and the dearest objects of attachment are our fellow-men. It is not houfes and lands, abounding in all the variegated luxuries of minerals and vegetables, and animal life: it is not thefe which draw the mind to particular fpots, and form thofe various affections which are excited in the mind by the idea of one's country. It is the nearer concerns of acquaintance, relations, friends; it is thefe which diffufe by innumerable moral affociations that pleafing and tender emotion which, in foreign climes, fpring up in the stranger's breast when he recollects the land of his Bativity. What though men roam through the most diftant regiona

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