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the propriety of fixing an intercourse and correfpondence in every part of Europe. There was now to be feen a greater attention to arts, manufactures, and commerce. Inftead of retainers and villiens, a body of farmers began to be formed, who were treated with refpect and with lenity. The manufacturer and the farmer came to understand that their interefts were the fame; and a fpirit rofe up for the exportation of commodities.

Our Author having traced the rude beginnings of agriculture and commerce, arrives at the laft part of his work, and employs himself in exhibiting the hiftory of the landed and commercial policy of England from the acceffion of Henry the Seventh to the end of the reign of Queen Eliza beth. To follow him through the variety of caufes, which during this period concurred to establish the trade, the manufactures, and the liberty of England, would engage us in a talk which is little fuited to the limits of our journal. It is fufficient for us to inform our readers that his details are learned, ufeful, and convincing. He was confcious of the arduousness of the task he had undertaken; and we acknowledge with pleasure that his abilities are equal to it.

From this portion of his book we shall extract the following observations as a fpecimen of his merit.

Though the princes of the line of Tudor fometimes acted on more defpotic principles than many of the kings from the time of figning the great charter, yet they imperceptibly laid the foundation of general freedom. Various caufes concurred to bring about fo fortunate an event. Henry the Seventh found, from the history of former kings, that they had enjoyed a very precarious autho rity under the prelates and nobility, and that the crown itself had been frequently at their difpofal. In thofe ages it was no flight mortification to the fovereign, that he should be obliged to act in this dependent capacity, and hold the crown and its prerogatives at the pleasure of a few opulent and powerful fubjects. To one of Henry's arbitrary difpofition it was extremely mortifying. It became therefore an act of policy, for his own ease and the fecurity of his family, to letfen the power of the nobles, and give authority to the commons. The laft of thefe had generally been fo tractable and fubmiffive, and fo much influenced by the crown or nobility, that they had given little oppofition to the measures of the court, or to the demand of parliamentary aids. Few of the members of the house of commons had been patriotic enough to draw upon themselves the refentment of the crown by defending the rights of the people, as every attempt of this kind ufually terminated in imprisonment or the payment of a fine. It was vifible, from paft and recent experience, that the principal oppofition to the will of the fovereign was to be expected from the barons, and for this reason their power alone became the object of his jealoufy. e Q2 • To

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To effectuate the defign of depreffing the nobility, the ftate of things at that period was peculiarly favourable. Many of the nobles had perifhed in the struggles between the houses of York and Lancaster; and their power had been fo diminished by mutual confifcations, that it became a work of no great difficulty to reduce it to a proper degree of fübjection. The few that remained after the acceffion of Henry, were attached to him through tear or interest; and he was not of a temper that would refore his enemies, or ftrengthen the peerage by the revival of old titles, or the creation of many new; ones. His minifters and favourites were fo unconnected with the nobility as to be obliged to depend upon him, and obey his orders; and if it became neceffary, like an caftern defpot, he could facrifice them to popular refentment, and gratify his avarice, without giving offence to the moft powerful of his fubjects.

By enforcing the acts against the giving of liveries, by permitting the cutting off entails, diffolution of the monafteries, encou ragement of trade, and other caufes co-operating with them, the houfe of Tudor gave a fatal blow to the power of the nobility; and in fome degree enabled, though very undefignedly, the commons under a future reign to overturn the throne with almoft the fame facility as the barons had frequently done in former ages.

The great number of dependents retained by the peers laid the foundation of an extenfive authority, and helped to maintain it against the attempts of the crown or commons to reduce it within fuch bounds as might have been useful in the fupport of liberty. On every oc cafion of difguft given to the nobility by the king or his minifters, they generally came-armed to the parliament with their fervants and retainers, under a pretence of providing for their fafety; but in rea lity to fupport their authority against the power of the fovereign. An affectation of grandeur, as well as policy, led them to maintain fuch a number of attendants in a kind of military fervice. Several acts had been made, under former kings, to reftrain this practice, and confine the giving of liveries to menial or domeftic fervants. But the opulence of the barons, and the unfettled state of the nation during the conteft between the houfes of York and Lancaster, pre-. vented the execution of thefe falutary laws. They were never duly executed till Henry the Seventh took upon himself this care, and by one fevere example ftruck a terror into all offenders against them. The lower ranks of people, thus abandoned as it were by their fuperiors, were obliged to exert fome degree of industry, and to depend on their labour for a maintenance. And the barons, finding at the fame time a greater advantage in receiving money from their tenants than a perfonal attendance, very willingly exchanged it for fervices that were now become ufelefs or dangerous.

The power of entailing eftates has always been a favourite object of the nobility and gentry, in every country where freedom has been established, as neceflary for fupporting and perpetuating the grandeur of their families. Or if the heirs of fuch eftates fometimes complained of the limitations and reftrictions under which they held them, no attempt was made by the legiflature to relieve them till the reign of Edward the Fourth. A ftatute of Edward the Firft, which gave a power to entail eftates, was pretty ftrictly obferved till that

time

time, when it was rather eluded than repealed. Landed poffeffions, heid under thefe limitations, were fimilar to thofe of the clergy, and operated upon commerce in the fame manner. Debts, however juft, could not always be difcharged, for want of liberty to alienate eftates, and fatisfy the demands of creditors: nor could money be raifed on any exigence or occafion, though it might fonetimes have been laid out for the benefit of the family in poffeffion, or for the public fervice. This was a grievance felt by men of moderate forunes, and by the merchants in general; and it became infupportable as the national commerce was enlarged. Debts were contracted through neceffity or prodigality, which justice required to be paid; and money was fo neceflary for the encouragement of trade, that it became equally ufeful to the creditor and merchant to break the entails of eftates, and levy money upon them by fale or mortgage. It is, neverthelefs, doubtful, whether any of thefe reasons led the legislature to permit the alienation of lands by fine and recovery. When this ufeful liberty was obtained, our commerce was incenfiderable, and held in fuch low eftimation by the gentry, that the intereft of trade can fcarcely be fuppofed to have had any influence in procuring it. It was perhaps primarily defigned to weaken the power of the nobility, and leflen their authority among the commons, by permitting them to diffipate their fortunes. Whatever might be the reafon, the practice of breaking entails, which was begun under Edward the Fourth, received a confirmation and encouragement from Henry the Seventh; and, from his fufpicious temper and jealoufy of the nobility, it may be prefumed, that he would give it a fanction with a fecret intention to undermine their opulence and power. And by the gradual advancement of trade and acceffion of wealth, under the fucceeding princes, it brought many lands into commerce which had formerly been almost as unalienable as those belonging to the church or abbies. The benefit of this revolution in landed property accrued chiefly to the merckants and tradefmen, who were enabled by it to enlarge the commerce of the nation, and to reduce the power of the nobility, which had formerly been fo oppreffive to the fubjects.

And this circulation of landed property was haftened by the leave given under the fame king to fuch as ferved abroad in a military capacity to alienate their eftates. The neceflary expences incurred in thefe expeditions gave occafion to this liberty, and cooperated in reducing the fubjects nearer to an equality, as well as promoting the intereft of trade. A power was afterwards obtained of difpofing of fome landed eftates by will, which had formerly been fubject to many reftriétions; and, after various ftruggles for the exercise of it under Henry the Eighth, was in a great measure effected. The power of the nobility was thus almoft imperceptibly diminifhed, and a foundation laid for raising the fuperftructure of a more equal government on the ruins of the ancient feudal establishment."" reafonings, and the good fenfe with which he every where abounds, are worthy of high praife, and cannot fail of recommending him to attention. It is with extreme cordiality that we bestow

The erudition of our Author, the force of hit

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our fuffrage upon him; and that we express our solicitude, that he would continue down his remarks from the reign of the elder James to the prefent age.

With regard to compofition, and the trappings of language they have been neglected altogether by our Author; and this omiffion must hurt the reputation of his work in a period when literature is fo generally diffufed that the tafte of the public is perhaps too delicate and refined. He is rather a man of bufinefs than a man of letters; and it appears to be his ambition rather to inftruct than to please, He is fatisfied with the glory of throwing out to the world his extenfive information; and in our future hiftorians many of his thoughts and reflections, we doubt not, will shine with uncommon luftre.

ART. II. Robin Hood: or Sherwood Foreft: a Comic Opera. As it is performed at the Theatre-Royal, in Covent-Garden. By Leonard Mac Nally, Efq. 8vo. is. 6d. Almon. 1784.

THE

HE performance before us is profeffedly founded upon three ballads, Robin Hood, the Nut Brown Maid, and Edwin and Angelina. The original defign of the Author was to have taken all the fongs from old ballads; and, as it is, this is the cafe with a great majority of them, they being either inferted entire, or with flight and immaterial alterations. Robin Hood therefore, upon the moft favourable calculation, can have no very elevated pretenfions to originality and genius. The bafhful, the timorous, and the indolent however, are not always the men moft flenderly endowed with abilities. We have ufually been of opinion that theatrical performances claimed a very diftinguished attention from the conductors of a literary review. In pursuance of this idea, we will in the prefent inftance endeavour to investigate what are thofe talents, which Mr. MacNally has thought proper, in this publication, as it were, to hide under a bufhel." The fongs however we dare not meddle with. We do not profefs a very univerfal acquaintance with old ballads; and we are by no means defirous of being found," criticifing the gaudy peacock or the folemn owl, when we imagined the fubject of our animadverfions, to be no other than the jackdaw.

Mr. MacNally, not contented with the three ftories we have enumerated, has added a fourth, drawn purely from the ftores of his own invention. Here then it is that we may best learn the fertility of his genius, the brilliancy of his wit, and the accuracy of his acquaintance with human nature. The defign of this ftory is, to illuftrate the pre

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ference of virtue and rectitude to a fair outfide. For this purpose a female is introduced, full of innocence and fimplicity, who is addreffed by two lovers; Scarlet, a fine Hafhy beau, but an unprincipled knave; and little John, coarfe, diminutive and ordinary in his appearance, but upright, generous and good. The two fuitors are reprefented, we apprehend exactly as the Author intended, the knave by Mr. Brett, the favoured lover by Mr. Quick. The following is a scene, which paffes between Stella the maiden, and Allen-a dale, her brother, refpecting them,

Allen. I am certain fomething diftreffes you; tell me, my dear fifter what is it? I your brother and friend, have a right to question : believe me, Stella, few women would fall into error, if they inade confidants of their male relations.

you:

Stella. I do believe you love me, brother; and I hope you have no reafon to complain of my wanting affection. Let me ask you a queftion; what think you of Will Scarlet ?

Allen. That in manners he is a vain fop; and in his heart, a cunning deceiver. Like an over-ripe pear, fair without, but bad within,

"Stella. You are right brother, he is a fop; for when he brings. home polies from the meadows, he always culls the sweetest and the prettiest to ornament himfelf; and he is a deceiver, as poor Martha knows to her coit. Oh! poor Martha! fhe was once the very life of the forest.

But what think you of Little John?

Allen. I think him a ruffetan, goodly apple, with a plain outfide, but found core.

"Stella. And I think fo too, for he ftrews thyme under my window, when he thinks I do not fee him; and when he gathers wild ftrawberries, or filberts, or finds honeycombs in the woods, he always prefents them to me untouched.

Allen. There is as much difference between John and Scarlet, as between an honest man and a knave. I know they are both your admirers, but be cautious in bestowing your affection; you are very young Stella; and love, my girl, has its bitters as well as fweets.

Stella. I would tell you a fecret-but you must hear me without cenfure; or if you reprove, remember, the leffons of affection make the deepest impreffions when breathed in gentleness.

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Allen. Speak with freedom. Something I fear has hurt you. Stella. Yes, I am hurt, yet I cannot tell where. I am pleafed too, yet I cannot tell why. I figh when I wifh to fmile. Nay, more, I am warm in the cool fhade, and freeze even in the fun. Heigh ho!

Allen. And how long have you had this complaint?

Stella. How long! It has been coming on me by degrees at least thefe long, long two months. Let me whifper you a queftion; nay, turn your head, I cannot fpeak while you look in my face. You must know, Little John this day gave me fome wild plumbs-La, I cannot fay a word more!

Allen. Then the complaint lies there.
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Stella.

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