ing kingdom. In fome refpects, England is more happily fituated for commerce than Ireland. It poffeffes an eafier communication with Holǝ land, Germany and the Baltick. But Ireland enjoys a happier fituation for trade with the Mediterranean, the Atlantic and the world.

66

The wealth of Ireland, it is faid, is that of England: and in the fame language of friendship they are called fifter-kingdoms. In an enlarged fenfe the wealth of every nation is that of another. The wealth of one country circulates by a thousand channels to others, and especially to thofe to which there is eafy accefs. And while London is the feat of government, of polite refort, and of varied pleafuré, Great Britain will doubtlefs participate largely in the encreafed wealth of Ireland. The firft of thefe confiderations begins already to lofe its force. The authority of the British Legislature over Ireland becomes, every day, more and more limited and partial. The eyes of the nations are turned to the determinations of the Irish Parliament. England waits their decifions as a rule for her own. "Whatever fum the grofs hereditary revenues of Ireland (after de"ducting all drawbacks, re-payments, or bounties granted in the nature of draw-backs) fhall produce annually, over and above a "fum to be fixed, is to be appropriated towards the fupport of the "naval force of the empire, In fuch manner as the Parliament of "Ireland Jhall direct!" Behold the beginning of a new executive government! Will the Irish Parliament ftop here? Will they not proceed from one degree of power, according to the nature of fuccefful ambition, to another, until at length there fhall be an irreconcileable interference between the new and the old authority? The embarraffments that muft arife from this new order of affairs we forbear to conjecture. The point to be illuftrated, for the prefent, by these observations, is, that whatever advantage London poffeffes over Dublin, from its being the feat of government, has diminished, and must continue to diminish. Power and wealth will nourish arts and various pleafures in the Irish capital; and the prerogatives of the British Metropolis will, of courfe, be gradually reduced.

These things appear to be the natural confequences of caufes an tecedent to any of the late fluctuations in the British Cabinet: and therefore it would be injuftice to charge the prefent embarraffing fituation of affairs on the present adminiftration. The part they have to act is fingularly.new and unprecedented in the hiftory of Europe. Ireland is to be connected with Great Britain, not as a dependent province, not by fuch an union as has conjoined and incorporated England and Scotland, nor by reprefentation in one common coun cil or congrefs, as the Achæan ftates of old. The union to which the language of the day points, is an union, as it were, of complaifance. It is commonly faid, "that they are fifter king"doms; and that the ftrength of the one is the ftrength of the "other." But fifters. are often rivals, and thus it will prove with England and Ireland.

It is evident that in the present arduous fituation of affairs the British Cabinet can attempt no other thing than to retain Ireland either by force or favour; or entirely to give her up, leaving the royal

-name

same as a pageant to grace and give the authority of cuftom and imagination to the decifions of the Irish parliament. To attempt the fubjugation of an armed island in the prefent age and flourishing condition of the house of Bourbon were an enterprize fuited only to the phrenzy of knight errantry. If a connection is bought by favour, it appears that it must be purchased by unbounded conceffion. It might admit of a doubt whether it would not be for the intereft of Britain to leave Ireland wholly to herfelf, and to purfue the tracts of commerce wherever they fhould open. The advantages bought from a connec tion with Ireland are not thofe of extended authority and ambition but of commerce, advantages which can be obtained to a greater ex tent, and with equal eate, otherwife than by an unlimited indulgence to the growing and endless demands of that kingdom.. Suppote that Great Britain, instead of binding herself to give a preference to the produce and manufactures of Ireland, fhould receive, duty free thofe of other countries, her own being received into them, on equal terms; would not advantages accrue to her from fuch arrangements, as much fuperior to thofe fhe derives from her connection with Ireland, as thofe countries might be fuperior in wealth and population to that ifland? For Example: If we fhould receive German intead of Irith linens, on condition that our woollen and iron manufactures fhould be admitted on like terms into Germany, would not our profits be great, in proportion to the riches of Germany, compared with thofe of Ireland?

But it will readily occur that if Ireland is not with Great Britain fhe may, on various occations, be against her; and that a wife legiflature will not only have refpect to the profperity of the ftate in times of peace, but to its fafety in time of war. This topic would lead us into unbounded fpeculation. It is impoffible for us at prefent to enter upon it any farther than to obferve that the actual and effective union of feparate ftates depends wholly on their difpofitions and their interefts. Treaties and compacts when they are not animated by thefe, are like bodies without fouls. The great bond of union among the nations about a century and an half ago, was religion; but this bond is now hoofened; and if it were not, the actual state of Ireland would render this bond a fubject of as great anxiety, perhaps to England as of confolation. The fameness of language, and origin, the fimilarity of manners, fentiments, cuftoms, and arts, formed a powerful bond of union, in antient times, among the ftates and colonies of Greece, when lofs and gain was not the only objects of contention and of glory among ftates and princes. Thete circumstances are in the prefent period of extended commerce and intercourfe, but of little confideration, and the progrefs of human affairs every day makes them of lefs. The grand mover of nations is intereft; and as this varies, the conduct of nations varies alfo. It is therefore fcarcely poffible that fuch political arrangements can be made by any human fagacity or forefight, as that Ireland, in all. circumftances fhould combine her forces with thofe of England. The grand objects which the legislature will no doubt have in view. in the fettlement to be made with the neighbouring kingdom, ale 1. The effect which that fettlement is likely to produce on our

Political

Political Conftitution. 2. Its effects on our fituation in cafe of Wars 3. Its effects on our Commerce. It is to this laft object alone that our legiflators appear hitherto to have attended. The other two are not lefs worthy of their notice, and no doubt they will obtain it.

MARCH.

In the course of this month, the English Houfe of Commons have exhibited a wholesome fymptom in the political conftitution, in their jealoufy of minifterial influence and encroachment in the election of members of parliament. Their decifion concerning the Weftminster election proves, that a concern to preferve its own privileges, and confequently thofe of the people, is yet a powerful principle in that affembly.

On a day appointed to take into confideration the neceffity, and the mode of a parliamentary reform, the Speaker was not able to mufter fo many members as to ballot for a committee for trying a contefted election!This fact needs not any comment.

The fpirit for improving the refources that yet remain to this country, continues to form a feature in the afpect of the times. The fisheries on the coast of Scotland ftill draw general attention, and excite pretty general hopes. Various hints have been fuggefted for the cultivation of this boundless field: among thefe, the moft folid, judicious, and useful, are thofe which occurred to the EARL of Da nobleman who happily converts the calm purfuits and conquests of fcience to the advantage of his country.

CONTINENT OF EUROPE.

The late movements on the continent appear, at first glance to denounce war: bút, we continue to be of opinion, that they will, without bloodshed, terminate in peace. The Emperor seems to be defirous of an honourable pretext for retreating from ground on which he did not expect to meet with fuch vigorous refiftance.

The Americans, without fleets to oppofe, and without money to bribe the Algerines, are feverely annoyed in their trade to the Medi

terranean.

N. B. The conclufion of Buffon on Minerals is unavoidably poftponed till our next.

Communications for THE ENGLISH REVIEW are Requested to be fent to Mr. MURRAY, No. 32, Fleet Street, London, where Subfcribers for this Monthly performance are defired to give in their Names.

THE

ENGLISH REVIEW.

For APRIL, 1785.

ART. I. Remarks upon the Hiftory of the Landed and Commercial Policy of England, from the Invafion of the Romans to the Ac ceffion of James the First. 2 vols. 12mo. 6s. Boards. Brooke, London.

"

AGRICULTURE and commerce, which are subjects of high moment in every country whatfoever, are peculiarly fo in Great Britain. As they are the fources of wealth, grandeur, and population, it is the happieft policy of a nation to encourage them; and while the eye of the politician ought perpetually to be directed to them, it is amusing to the philofopher to observe their influence upon manners and fo→ ciety. To thefe topics our Author has applied with a fig nal industry; and his remarks are a valuable acceffion to our hiftorical collections.

Building upon antient authorities, the compiler of these volumes defcribes the inhabitants of our ifland in the three conditions in which mankind are fuppofed to appear in the progrefs of civilization. In different diftricts he exhibits them in the ftates of favages, fhepherds, and hufbandmen. But though they had fhewn themselves in these conditions before the invafion of the Romans, yet their rudehefs he confiders as very great. For though the cultivation of corn was known among them, it was chiefly practifed by fettlers from Gaul. But after the invafion and conquefts of the Romans, the Britóns advanced confiderably in civility. They paid a greater attention to land, became accustomed to trade, and acquired a confiderable skill in manufactures.

Upon thefe points our Author is very learned and ingeENG. REV. vol. V. Ap. 1785.

nious.

nious. He then paffes to the confideration of the landed and commercial policy of England under the Anglo-Saxon government. Here he could tread upon ground more fecure; and it is to be observed that he has made an admirable use of the Anglo-Saxon laws, and the older monuments of our hiftory. But while he canvaffes the varying fituation of land among our Saxon progenitors, it is to be regretted that he has not entered into the difpute whether it was directed or not by the great law of feodal tenure. This queftion, fo much agitated among Antiquaries was a part of his fubject ; and we think he was well qualified to enter into it, and to throw a light upon a point which fo many ingenious men have confidered as fo obfcure from the double darkness of antiquity and barbarism.

Leaving the Saxon period of our hiftory, our author delivers his obfervations upon the landed and commercial policy of England from the Norman conqueft to the acceffion of Henry III. He conceives that the Normans were not much more improved than the Saxons; and it is his opinion that from the conqueft till the reign of Henry III. there were few regulations and little of that fpirit, which are calculated for the promotion of industry, and the extenfion of internal wealth. He even imagines that the commercial connexion which was formed between England and the tranfmarine dominions it acquired upon the Norman invafion was of flender fervice to our trade and manufactures. For few commodities could be exchanged to the advantage of both countries; and the antient fervitude had not loft its rigour. The profeflion alfo of arms, and the broils between the crown and the barons engendered a malignant opposition to the arts which improve and embellifh life.

After fpeculating upon the Norman times our Author continues his remarks from the acceffion of Henry the third to the reign of Henry the feventh. Here he has occafion to enumerate the advantages of the great charter, and the char ter of the foreft, upon which the liberties of England were founded. He appeals alfo to the pofterior charters and ftatutes which contributed with a peculiar energy to encourage agriculture and commerce by fecuring the rights of property, and the political privileges of the fubject. He treats of the introduction of the Fiemith weavers into England, and of the improvements which were made in the woollen manufacture. He examines the rife of the jealousy entertained against the Hanfe Towns, and details the fteps which were formed in England to accelerate their ruin. He defcribes the emolument which England received from the number of Jews who came to refide in it; and from whom it learned

the