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to select the the
objects of his perusal, is too often found incredu. lous to our decilions. Add to this, that language labours under the attempt, to discriminate the boundless varieties of human folly. Influenced by a consciousness of thete truths, we frequently prefer the presenting an extract, to the pronouncing a judgment; and willingly suffer an author to stamp with his own unadulterated plea the page of criticism. The following shall serve for the Pindar of our present page.
* Dead dead's the Mentor of this impious age!
To dark oblivion and an early tomb!.
What shook the ground?
That we are three.*
Art. 30. The Goodness and Mercy of God to the People of this Land. A Sermon preached on Thursday July 29, 1784; Being the Day appointed for a General Thankıgiving, on Account of the late Peace. By a Country Clergyman. 4to. is. Rivington 1784Dedicated to Henry Partridge, Esq. King's Lynn.
In point of composition a decent sermon for a parish church, a very indifferent one for the press. In point of sentiment fit for nej. ther. The country clergyman's union of the extremes of toryism in politics and whiggism in religion affords rather a fingular phenomenon.
For the ENGLISH R E V IE W.
[For JANUARY, FEBRUARY, and MARCH, 1785.)
the interesting spectacle of Ireland treatcial regulations, as a separate and independent kingdom. And, as if Ireland were already what it may one day become, the great mart and centre of British commerce and power, the propofitionis intended as a base for concord, rather than unity of government and views, were brought
ward by the British ministry, not in London-bur in Dublin. This
the breasts of the Americans, offers, bribes and entreaties were employed by England for peace and reconciliation. Peace was at lait obtained by unlimited concessions on the part of Great Britain And nothing was heard throughout the nation but the bletlinge of hormony and concord. There was cuen, a strong difpofition in the young minister who is now at the head of adıninistration to facrifice the navigation act, to the wishes of our late
new rivals in comunerue. The just and warm remonftrances, ot'many enlightensi perfosis, intereited in the welfare of the state, among whom Lord Sheffield holds a distinguished place, prevented the ruinous effects of fuch madnels. Yet the general idea of conciliating the favour, and acquiring advantages in trade with natione, on the principle of grai titude, and, amity, was not abandoned. It is on this principle that an attempt is now made to maintain a species of connection between Great Britain and Ireland. It was on this principle tħat Mr. Fox courted, - even with tokens of humiliation, the forgiveness and amity of the Dutch. In the humbled. State of the nation, miniiters of oppofite parties and factions concurred in folicitings by express fions of confidence and regard, those objects which they could pot pourmand by force of arms. Taught fubmission by misfortune, father than political wisdom, they fought to gain something=by granting every thing!
The extreme folly of attempts to build lasting advantages on the gratitude of nations, would scarcely appear reconcileable with tha acknowledged abilities of our orators and leaders in parliametr, if unifom experience did not prove, that the imperfection of hunian Mature often, unites the most lplendid talents with the greatest weak. nesies. Nations have no gratitude. "Gratitude feldoin prevails over felf-intereit even among individuals, where the mind is drawn by Sympathy to a distinct and visible object of affection ; scattered
among millions of men, faintly introduced into the imagination
Never had minister a more difficult talk to perform than Mr. Piet,
It is a new and singular situation for the Genius of Great Britain,
Gencrous and liberal attachment---Sifter-kingdoms;"-These ex-
placed themfelves in a fullen posture of defiance. Behold now
If we compare the declarations of Mr. Orde with the hints and
* An expression in an address of the Irish Congress to the People of Ireland.
ant and unbounded.-" The British market is now open to the subjects of Ireland, and they may supply it on the fame terms on which it is supplied by the British merchants themselves. Ireland, from ber happy situation, may become an emporium of trade, and even Britain may fupply hertelf from her markets."
It is true, as is pleaded by ministers and ministerial men on this fide St. George's Channel, that the superior capitals, and fuperior industry, skill, and mechanical inventions of England bestow a mighty advantage on this over the neighbouring kingdom. But these are advantages which every day suffer diminution, and must therefore at last, wholly vanish away. However natural advantages from Barbarism, from infelicity of government, or other causes may be over-looked or neglected for a time; in the lapse of ages and the viciilitudes of nations, they founer or later command attention and cultivation, and are a source of wealth and power. Sea-coasts, narigable rivers, and commodious harbours invite commerce and encourage population. Severity of climate, may chill the efforts of industry on the one hand; and, on the other the spontaneous luxuriancy of nature may sink the effeminate inhabitants into the natural insignificancy
and dependence of indolence. And even in temperate climates and fruitful foils watered by rivers and arms of the sea, despotism of government may counteract the benignity of nature, and by staying the hand of labour, check the advancement of nations in all that gives dignity and grace to man. Ireland lying in a temperate climate; in an advanced situation in the Atlantic Ocean, abounding with fafe and spacious harbours, with a foil that requires, but easily yields to the efforts of industry, and that industry incited and fostered by freedom of government and vicinity to England : Ireland with these advantages, will doubtless have her day, and appear among the foremost of commercial nations; as the peninsula of Arabia, from its situation, was an early seat of industry and opulence; as Phænicia reigned for a time, the queen of Arts and Commerce ; as Carthage, Tyre, and Sidon were illustrious, on the fame accounts ; as the ifland of Crete was the first maritime power in Greece: and innu. merable other instances are to be found of the prerogatives of maritime, and above all of insular situations in antient as well as modern history; in the amazing resources of the republican ifland of Rhodes, which maintained its independency on Rome till the reign of Vespasian; in the history of Malta and Corfu ; in the rise and progreis of the state of Venice; in the island and city of Ormus in the East Indies; in the Hanseatic towns ; in Lisbon; in Holland: in England. Whoever reflects on the histories of these and other countries will be struck with the advantages of situation; and under this impreffion, especially in the present conjuncture of British af. fairs, he will readily anticipate the glories of Ireland.
It may be said, that the profpect of all this prosperity is distant, vague and indeterminate; and that therefore it cannot be a serious object of political or commercial jealousy: 'Tis true, it is not an easy. matter to form habits of any kind. A transition from the intermite: ting idleness and fimplicity of agriculture, to the persevering industry and genius requisite in the arts, in the neighbouring kingdom, will not be infantaneous,
But the cheapness of the necessaries of life in Ireland, the low price of labour, the exemption from heavy taxes, with a free and un• limited trade, will certainly invite to that country the rich capitais of this. Industry, though not quickly raised, may be very foon transplanted. The natural inconstancy of man, and the hope of bettering his condition, by a change of situation, will allure to the new settlers in Ireland numerous adventurers from Great-Britain and every part of Europe. Examples will multiply themselves, and diffute, at last, their beneficial influence through the wildeft districts of
Connaught. But the establishment of manufactures will be later · than that of warehouses for the purposes of commerce. There is not a more obvious policy than for merchants to import from foreign countries into Ireland all the various articles for which they may find a market in England. For by the third resolution of the IRISH House of COMMONS the centre and seat, in the present grand quertion of Britif Legislation, it is provided that no "prohibition thall exist in either country against the importation, ufe or sale of any article, the growth, product or manufacture of the other; and that the duty on the importation of every such article, if subject to duty; ja either country, should be precisely the fame in the one country as in the other." Here, then, is encouragement indeed for Ireland to pour various materials as well as manufa&tures into England. 'lt is indeed provided by the fifth resolution, that in all cases where either kingdom shall charge articles of its own consumption' with an internal duty on the manufacture, or a duty on the material; the fame manufacture, when imported from the other, may be charged with a further daty, on importation to the fame amount as the internal duty on the manufacture, or to an ainount adequate to countervail the duty on the material." But, in the first place, the multiplication of duties and drawbacks is as favourable to Imuggling as the simplification of collection is beneficial to the "revenue. Secondly, Articles, not the real prodice of Ireland, may be imported in Irish bottoms, at a cheaper rate than they could be inported by English traders. The West-India and other 'merchants are abundantly sensible of this, and have, with reason, taken the alarm. The manufacture of filk in England is so 'considerable, as to employ almost as many hands as that of wnol. Now, is there not danger, left the importation of foreign filks into Ireland, and froni thence into this country, should in the end prove ruinous to our lilken manufacture. Time, and the invention of traders, 'will doubtles discover a variety of other instances, in which, notivith ttanding the utmost vigilance of government and the revenile officers, notivithstanding the multiplication of laws and armed cutters, the commercial freedom of Ireland will draw to that country a great part of that wealth which now centers in England.
The prefent situation of Great Britain is more full of einbarrafment and real danger than it was in the struggle with the Americans. The capitals, the credit, the enterprize and induftry, the tkiil of her inbabitants, which form the real ftrength of Britain, as of every other nation, diverted from America, have not forth and found room før exertion in other parts of the world. But, in the present crisis, there is danger left a great portion of the wealth, the art and commercial enterprize of England should migrate to the neighbour