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to felect the the objects of his perufal, is too often found incredulous to our decifions. Add to this, that language labours under the attempt, to difcriminate the boundlefs varieties of human folly. Influenced by a confcioufnefs of these truths, we frequently prefer the prefenting an extract, to the pronouncing a judgment; and willingly fuffer an author to ftamp with his own unadulterated plea the page of criticifm. The following fhall ferve for the Pindar of our prefent page.

"Dead; dead's the MENTOR of this impious age!

Who now with Infidels the war will wage?
Or whom the bold prefuming factious doom
To dark oblivion and an early tomb!
Smile, fmile, my weaving fifters, fmile;
Difcord fhall reign throughout this ifle.-
What fhook the ground?

A dread I found;
'Tis laughing fure,
For ills a cure:4
Diftraction fee,

Rejoice with me,

That we are three.'

It is but fair to add, that the above paffage is the exultation, put by our author into the mouth of the Faries, upon the melancholy occafion he commemorates.

Art. 30. The Goodness and Mercy of God to the People of this Land. A Sermon preached on Thursday July 29, 1784; Being the Day appointed for a General Thankgiving, on Account of the late Peace. By a Country Clergyman. 4to. 1s. Rivington 1784. Dedicated to Henry Partridge, Efq. King's Lynn.

In point of compofition a decent fermon for a parish church, a very indifferent one for the prefs. In point of fentiment fit for neither. The country clergyman's union of the extremes of toryism in politics and whiggiím in religion affords rather a fingular phenomenon.

For the ENGLISH REVIEW.

NATIONAL

AFFAIR S.

[For JANUARY, FEBRUARY, and MARCH, 1785.]

IRISH PROPOSITION S.

WE are prefented with the interesting spectacle of Ireland treat

ing with Great Britain, concerning commercial and financial regulations, as a feparate and independent kingdom. And, as if Ireland were already what it may one day become, the great mart and centre of British commerce and power, the propofitions intended as a base for concord, rather than unity of government and views, were brought

forward

ward by the British miniftry, not in London, but in Dublin. This is a very striking fact, and naturally invites attention to its causes, and conjectures concerning its confequences.

The dismemberment of the British empire, might, perhaps, be traced to a general decay of political knowledge. For, although the irrefolution of minifters, which fprung not more froni natural temper than from inteftine difcord, foofened and enfeebled the nerves of government; yet, even the divided ftrength of the nation would have produced greater effects, if it had been directed with greater wifdom: And fuch wisdom would have prevailed, if it had been inore generally diffufed throughout the nation. When the diffatisfactious in America broke out in an open refillance of the legislature, the British cabinet did the very reverie of what they ought to have done: they forebore to act, and gave hard words whereas they should have given good words, but hard blows. When time, and common danger had, in an enlightened age, formed a concert of wills and unity of defign among a fagacious people; after they had been incited to action by expreffions of contempt, and encouraged to perfevere by an inaction which, in the midst of boats and threats, might well feem the effect rather of impotence than lenity; then it was that the court of London unsheathed the fword, and lavished away the treafure and the blood of the nation. The feeds of a deep refentment being fowa

f

the breafts of the Americans, offers, bribes and entreaties were employed by England for peace and reconciliation. Peace was at last obtained by unlimited conceflions on the part of Great Britain : And nothing was heard throughout the nation but the bleifings of harmony and concord. There was even a ftrong difpofition in the young minister who is now at the head of adminiftration to facrifice the navigation act to the wishes of our late enemies and new rivals in commerce. The just and warm remonstrances of many enlightened perfons, intercited in the welfare of the state, among whom Lord Sheffield holds a diftinguished place, prevented the ruinous effects of fuch madness. Yet the general idea of conciliating the favour, and acquiring advantages in trade with nations, on the principle of gras titude, and amity, was not abandoned. It is on this principle that an attempt is now made to maintain a fpecies of connection between Great Britain and Ireland. It was on this principle that Mr. Fox courted, even with tokens of humiliation, the forgiveness and amity of the Dutch. In the humbled, state of the nation, minifters of oppofite parties and factions concurred in foliciting, by expreffions of confidence and regard, thofe objects which they could not Command by force of arms. Taught fubmiffion by misfortune, Father than political wildom, they fought to gain fomething-by granting every thing!

The extreme folly of attempts to build lafting advantages on the gratitude of nations, would fcarcely appear reconcileable with the acknowledged abilities of our orators and leaders in parliament, if uniform experience did, not prove, that the imperfection of human mature often unites the moft fplendid talents with the greatest weakneffes. Nations have no gratitude. Gratitude feldom prevails over felf-intereft even among individuals, where the mind is drawn by fympathy to a distinct and visible object of affection; fcattered

among

among millions of men, faintly introduced into the imagination by a general term, it is diffipated and loft. But if minifters have mifunderstood the nature of national gratitude, the conduct of Ireland is fufficient, by this time, to have taught them their error. Every conceffion to that nation has invited a fresh deinand. Conceffions have multiplied claims; and will continue to multiply them, as long as there is one that remains to be made.

Never had minifter a more difficult talk to perform than Mr. Pitt, in the character of a legiflator for a nation that begs rather than claims a kind of fupremacy over another, which acknowledges her only as an Affociate in the caufe of freedom :"* The fpirit of his policy in this arduous affair is, to flatter, to coax, and cajole the Irish; and, at the fame time, to give fair words to the different bodies of men in Great Britain, whofe interests will be materially affected by the unbounded freedom of commerce granted to Ireland. The ministerial agent in Dublin tells the Irish Parliament, that the conceffions of England to Ireland will be unlimited: The minifter himfelf infinuates to the British Parliament, that the advantages yielded to Ireland will be trifling and immaterial.

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It is a new and fingular fituation for the Genius of Great Britain, as if on his penitentials for his prolonged oppreffion of the Irifly nation, to appear before their tribunal, in the form of Mr. Orde, and expatiate on the victory which the "Affection of Great Britain for her fifter-kingdom has gained over a regard to felf-intereft.”Generous reciprocity Cordial fentiments of affection and confidence Gencrous and liberal attachment Sifter-kingdoms, -Thefe ex prellions, and others of equal import, appearing at every turn, throughout the speeches of the ministerialists in the Irifli Parlia ment, announce in very unequivocal language the fallen crest of England. For, when did this country become fo extremely affec tionate to her fifter-kingdom? It was when America had thrown off the yoke,' and the Irish Volunteers had affumed arms, and placed themfelves in a fullen pofture of defiance. Behold now the effect of the affociations of Ireland! and trace from the first commotions at Bofton in New England, the infectious and progreffive fpirit of liberty! England proudly refufes to her American colonies the privilege of railing, in their own way, whatever fum' might be reasonably demanded for the common defence of the empire; and within the fhort space of ten years, the is reduced to the neceffity of virtually acknowledging the independency of Ireland, a country over which the had fo long lorded with defpotic fway. It has been remarked of the Irish nation that they are overbearing when indulged, but obfequious when refifted. If there be any truth in this remark, it may with equal justice be applied ro England.

If we compare the declarations of Mr. Orde with the hints and comments of Mr. Pitt on the commercial resolutions for the adjustment of trade between the two kingdoms, we shall find reason to join in opinion with the former, that the conceffions on the part of Great Britain, propofed in the Irifh Parliament are equally import

ant

* An expreffion in an addrefs of the Irish Congress to the People of Ireland.

ant and unbounded." The British market is now open to the subjects of Ireland, and they may fupply it on the fame terms on which it is fupplied by the British merchants themfclves-Ireland, from ber happy fituation, may become an emporium of trade, and even Britain may fupply herfelf from her markets."

It is true, as is pleaded by ministers and ministerial men on this fide St. George's Channel, that the fuperior capitals, and fuperior industry, fkill, and mechanical inventions of England beflow a mighty advantage on this over the neighbouring kingdom. But thefe are advantages which every day fuffer diminution, and must therefore at laft, wholly vanish away. However natural advantages from Barbarifm, from infelicity of government, or other caufes may be over-looked or neglected for a time; in the lapfe of ages and the viciffitudes of nations, they fooner or later command attention and cultivation, and are a fource of wealth and power. Sea-coafts, navigable rivers, and commodious harbours invite commerce and encourage population. Severity of climate, may chill the efforts of industry on the one hand; and, on the other the fpontaneous luxuriancy of nature may fink the effeminate inhabitants into the natural infignificancy and dependence of indolence. And even in temperate climates and fruitful foils watered by rivers and arms of the fea, defpotism of government may counteract the benignity of nature, and by staying the hand of labour, check the advancement of nations in all that gives dignity and grace to man. Ireland lying in a temperate climate; in an advanced fituation in the Atlantic Ocean, abounding with fafe and fpacious harbours, with a foil that requires, but eafily yields to the efforts of industry, and that induftry incited and fostered by freedom of government and vicinity to England: Ireland with thefe advantages, will doubtlefs have her day, and appear among the foremoft of commercial nations; as the peninfula of Arabia, from its fituation, was an early feat of industry and opulence; as Phoenicia reigned for a time, the queen of Arts and Commerce; as Carthage, Tyre, and Sidon were illuftrious, on the fame accounts; as the ifland of Crete was the firft maritime power in Greece: and innumerable other inftances are to be found of the prerogatives of maritime, and above all of infular fituations in antient as well as modern hiftory; in the amazing refources of the republican ifland of Rhodes, which maintained its independency on Rome till the reign of Vefpafian; in the hiftory of Malta and Corfu; in the rife and progrets of the state of Venice; in the island and city of Ormus in the Eaft Indies; in the Hanfeatic towns; in Lisbon; in Holland : in England. Whoever reflects on the hiftories of these and other countries will be ftruck with the advantages of fituation; and under this impreffion, efpecially in the prefent conjuncture of British af fairs, he will readily anticipate the glories of Ireland...

It may be faid, that the profpect of all this profperity is diftant, vague and indeterminate; and that therefore it cannot be a serious object of political or commercial jealoufy. 'Tis true, it is not an eafy matter to form habits of any kind. A tranfition from the intermite ting idleness and fimplicity of agriculture, to the perfevering industry and genius requifite in the arts, in the neighbouring kingdom, will not be inftantaneous.

But

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But the cheapnefs of the neceffaries of life in Ireland, the low price of labour, the exemption from heavy taxes, with a free and unlimited trade, will certainly invite to that country the rich capitals of this. Industry, though not quickly raifed, may be very foon tranfplanted. The natural inconftancy of man, and the hope of bettering his condition, by a change of fituation, will allure to the new fettlers in Ireland numerous adventurers from Great-Britain and every part of Europe. Examples will multiply themfelves, and diffute, at laft, their beneficial influence through the wildest districts of Connaught. But the establishment of manufactures will be later than that of warehouses for the purposes of commerce. There is not a more obvious policy than for merchants to import from foreign countries into Ireland all the various articles for which they may find a market in England. For by the third refolution of the IRISH HOUSE OF COMMONS the centre and feat, in the prefent grand queftion of British Legiflation, it is provided that no "prohibition fhall exist in either country against the importation, ufe or fale of any article, the growth, product or manufacture of the other; and that the duty on the importation of every fuch article, if fubject to duty, in either country, fhould be precisely the fame in the one country as in the other." Here, then, is encouragement indeed for Ireland to pour various materials as well as manufactures into England. It is indeed provided by the fifth refolution, that in all cafes where either kingdom fhall charge articles of its own confumption with an internal duty on the manufacture, or a duty on the material; the fame manufacture, when imported from the other, may be charged with a further duty, on importation to the fame amount as the internal duty on the manufacture, or to an amount adequate to countervail the duty on the material." But, in the firtt place, the multiplication of duties and drawbacks is as favourable to fmuggling as the fimplification of collection is beneficial to the revenue. Secondly, Articles, not the real produce of Ireland, may be imported in Irish bottoms, at a cheaper rate than they could be imported by English traders. The Weft-India and other merchants are abundantly fenfible of this, and have, with reafon, taken the alarm. The manufacture of filk in England is fo confiderable, as to employ almoft as many hands as that of wool. Now, is there not danger, left the importation of foreign filks into Ireland, and from thence into this country, fhould in the end prove ruinous to our filken manufacture. Time, and the invention of traders, will doubtless difcover a variety of other inftances, in which, notwithstanding the utmoft vigilance of government and the revenue officers, notwithftanding the multiplication of laws and arined cutters, the commercial freedom of Ireland will draw to that country a great part of that wealth which now centers in England.

The prefent fituation of Great Britain is more full of embarrafment and real danger than it was in the struggle with the Americans. The capitals, the credit, the enterprize and induftry, the fkill of her inhabitants, which form the real ftrength of Britain, as of every other nation, diverted from America, have fhot forth and found room for exertion in other parts of the world. But, in the prefent crifis, there is danger left a great portion of the wealth, the art and commercial enterprize of England fhould migrate to the neighbour

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