in view would confer the greatest benefits, determined to fupport his pretenfions by force of arms. From a comparative view of the re fources and itrength of the Dutch and the emperor, it is probable, that in a contest in arms victory would ultimately declare itfelf in fa vour of the latter. But it is not the refpective force of these contending powers that will decide the quartel, but the interference of neighbouring states and princes. The eyes of Europe, therefore, are not more turned towards Austria and Holland, than to France, Pruffia, Ruffia and England. The contending parties, aware of this, endea vour to conciliate favour, by a fhew of moderation. France and England, exhausted by the late war, are in a state which naturally feeks for repofe. England feems determined to obferve a strict neutrality. France, interested to check the aggrandizement of a neigh bouring monarch, who poffeffes claims on part of her dominions, labours to prevent an appeal to arms, by all the artifices of intrigue and negotiation. If, however, fuch an appeal fhould actually be made fhe is bound by policy as well as by treaty, to efpoule the cause of the Republic. Yet even in that cafe the French queen, with her numerous party, might find means, by influencing the appointment of military commanders, and otherwife, to protract the preparations for war, and to divert or lighten the blow when ready to be ftruck. Whatever quarrels have existed between the Dutch and the king of Pruffia, certainly that monarch, in cafe of hoftilities, would take an active part in favour of the Republic. Every paffion that influences his mind points and impels to fuch a conduct: his love of military glory his jealoufy of the emperor: his attachment to kindred: the probable profpect that the houfe of Brandenburgh will one day give a ftadtholder to the United Provinces. It would lead into too nice and tedious a difcuffion to confider the different paffions and interests that a war between the emperor and the Dutch would probably excite and effect in the princes and cities of Germany. It is faid, and with probability, that the greater number would efpoufe the caufe of the emperor. Spain and Naples, with the duke of Parma and other Italian princes, would adhere to the standard of France. Sweden, almost a French province, would incline to the fame fide. The king of Sardinia would endeavour to obferve a strict neutrality. But the power on which the publick eye, on the occafion in queftion, was chiefly turned, is that of Pruffia: that power, which in 1779 mediated between Auftria and Bavaria the peace of Tefchen. The vicinity of Ruffia to the Turkish dominions and to Sweden, the Temembrance of past, and the dread of future hoftilities, naturally determined the czarina to fide with the emperor against the Dutch, under the protection of France, the ally of the Swedes and Othmans. The liberty indulged by Sweden to France, of constructing an arfenal, and magazine at Gottenburgh, with the ambitious intermarriage of the Bourbons with the royal family of Portugal, were circumstances, no doubt, which ftimulated the jealoufy of the Ruffians, and induced them to declare themselves, at fo early aftage of the conteft, on the fide of Auftria. The emprefs, who makes no fcruple to declare her fentiments on all fubjects without referve, has uniformly faid, that the emperor's claim to a free navigation of the Schelde is natural, juft and reasonable. Suck Such was the afpect of Europe in 1784, with regard to the great object which fixed her attention; viz. the contest between the Dutch and the Auftrians. Numberlefs other occurrences, as ufural in the ever-varying scene of human affairs, diverfified the year under review but as these are not bound together by any principle of connection, we pafs them by, for the prefent, refolved, at the fame time, to recall fuch of them to the mind of the reader as may be brought, by a natural affociation, into any of our future views and fpecula tions. But it would be unpardonable in us to omit, what will diftinguish the year 1784 in the eyes of pofterity more than the conclufion or the commencement of the most important wars, the afcent of fo many aerial voyagers in the aeroftatic machine. The tales of Icarus and Daedalus have led fome fpeculative men to imagine that, as nå. tious, whole fpecies of animals, and various arts have perifhed in the gulph of time, fo, aerial navigation is not a novelty in fact, although it be fo to our own knowledge. In Aulus Gellius we read of a pigeon framed by Archytas, and mounted into the air by means of an inclofed fpiritus auræ. In modern times Lord Bacon, and after him Bifhop Wilkins, threw out hints for rifing into the air, on the princi ples of exhaufting the common atmospheric air out of their thin metallic balls. But, as there is a preffure of air, the weight of a tun, on every furface of a foot square, balls of the neceffary levity and thinnet's would have been crushed and broken by the circumambient fluid in which they were deftined to float. It was neceflary, therefore, for the purpofe of afcending into the atmosphere, that a fpecies of air Thould be difcovered fpecifically lighter than the common atmofpheric air, but equally elaftic. Different kinds of fuch fpecies of air were in fact difcovered by Black and Cavendish. One difcovery leads to another; and the progrefs of knowledge becomes, in its course, more and more rapid: Mobilitate viget virefque acquirit eundo. It was referved for the glory of Montgolfier to confine Gaz within a balloon, and to mount it into the skies. This invention has drawn, and still continues to draw, univerfal attention and admiration. An afcent in an air balloon unites those qualities which are the most fitted to raife fublime conceptions in the human mind: the immeafurable beighth and expanfe of the heavens; the courage of the perfon who afcends; and the triumph of human knowledge over nature. The glory of philofophy, affuming thus a vifible form, is deeply impreffed on the breath of every fpectator. And on fuch occafions we all feel the connection between philofophy and humanity. When the balloon is feen to rife, as if in defiance of the power of gravitation, what fpectator does not feel his mind ferene, or would not with rather to conquer nature by art, than to fubdue kingdoms by the horrors of war? As the difcovery.of things neceffarily precedes that of the utes to which they may be applied, fo the air balloon will be reforted to, in procefs of time, for various purposes of bufinefs, health and pleasure.-As there is no period of the world, with which we are acquainted, fo enlightened as the prefent, fo there is none when the hopes of men concerning the future extent extent of human power were fo fanguine. There are philofophers, high in well-merited reputation, who fcruple not to predict, that the time will arrive, when nature fhall be fo obedient to man, that he will not only poffefs the power of removing difeafes, but even of prolonging life. As we are naturally difpofed, in contemplating any operation or courfe of events, to apprehend or to fearch for an operating power or caufe, it has been one of our objects, in our monthly review of the political ftate of Europe, to indulge conjectures concerning the fprings, and anticipations concerning the effects of the various occurrences which fall under our obfervation. As the principles of moral conduct are as fixed and invariable as the laws which govern the natural world, fimilar fituations and fimilar movements may be fuppofed to produce fimilar effects. As the fame feafons, in the great order of a nature, with little variation, produce the fame weather and the fame fruits, fo the fame operations of the human mind, and the actions to which they give birth, with little variation, have produced, and will produce, the fame events. It is on this ground, and not on that of any vain pretence of being acquainted with the fecrets of the different cabinets of Europe, that we indulge a vein of fpeculation on the more important events that prefs upon our notice. What would appear most reasonable to conjecture, or mofl just to conclude, to plain, unbiaffed common fenfe; it is that we mix, as a feafoning to the dry details of fimple narration. Nor are the antici pations of the general fenfe of mankind always or often difappointed. As a fpectator, placed at a proper distance from the scene of an engagement, is better qualified than a perfon of equal skill, who is engaged in it as an actors fo the general obferver, whose paffions are not inflamed, nor his understanding blinded by the ever-varying intrigues of courts, is better fitted to form a judgment concerning the general refult of any comprehenfive conjuncture of affairs, than the courtier who is verfant in all the wiles and myfteries of ftate. a Although the fhifting feene under review has often falfified our conjectures, and difproved our inforination with regard to particular objects, yet in our general conclufions concerning general subjects, faithful adherence to the common fenfe of mankind, in oppofition to fubtlety and refinement, has uniformly conducted us to the truth. On this principle we ventured to affirm, that vigour of councils and an indifference to the threats and parade of the volunteers would effectually restore good order in Ireland; that the genius of the Scotch nation did not incline them to political innovation; that the military preparations of the emperor had undoubtedly an object, and that that object was to reclaim what had been torn by violence from his ancestors; that he would not relinquifh his claim to a navigation of the Schelde; that France and England, if poffible, would obferve with regard to the contest between the Dutch and the emperor a neutrality, or interpofe only by mediation; that the king of Pruffia would appear on the fide of the Dutch Republic; and that the emperor would be fupported by the emprefs of Ruffia * free * Communications for THE ENGLISH REVIEW are requefied to be fent to Mr. MURRAY, No. 32, Fleet-ftreet, London, where fub feribers for its monthly performance are defired give in their names: ENGLISH REVIEW. For MARCH, 1785. ART. I. An Inquiry into the Rife and Progress of Parliament, chiefly int Scotland; and a Complete System of the Law concerning the elections of the Reprefentatives from Scotland to the Parliament of Great Bri tain. To which is added an Appendix, containing feveral curia ous Papers and Inftruments, and full Copies of the Election Statutes. By Alexander Wight, Efquire, Advocate, S. S. A. 4to. 11. Is Boards. Edinburgh, Creech. London, Cadell, THIS performance commences with a fhort account of the origin and conftitution of the English Parliament. But unfortunately for our author he has adopted the opinions of Dr. Brady and other factious writers, who having enjoyed penfions from the crown, were interested to exalt the prerogative. His fketch, accordingly, is exceedingly erro→ neous and imperfect: And having been mifled into improper notions concerning the English parliament, he applies them to the Scottish constitution; and thus in whatever relates to antiquity he is involved in absurdity and confufion. He flatters himself that he has been enabled to throw confiderable light upon the ancient conftitution of the parliament of Scotland. But inftead of having made any discoveries with relation to this fubject it does not appear that he was even decently acquainted with the books in which it has been treated. He puts forth his ftrength to difcredit the pofition, that the Scottish boroughs were reprefented of old in Scotland. Yet there is no opinion that is better founded: And what is remarkable, the very arguments which he produces to fupport his error, are decifive proofs of it. In this refpect, he refembles Dr. Brady; an author who was far fuperior to him in penetration; and who was equally Eng. Rev. Vol. V. Mar. 1785. L. unfcrupulous unfcrupulous in mifreprefenting laws and records in order to fupport his theories. As this general cenfure against our Author is very strong, it is neceflary to illuftrate it by an example. In the courie of his argument, he fingles out as an adversary, Dr. Stuart, the hiftorian of Queen Mary, who in an appendix to the life of that princefs has exhibited a platform of the Scottish government. Among a variety of paffages in oppofition to that writer, which feem to be uniformly ill founded, Mr. Wight, with a degree of exultation that is unusual to him makes the following remarks. The Author of Obfervations concerning the Public Law, and the Conftitutional Hiftory of Scotland, lays it down dogmatically, that none of the King's tenants in capite were admitted to the Scottish parliament but fuch as were poffeffed, at leaft of a fingle knight's fee; and with a confiderable degree of acrimony, blames Dr. Robertfon for admitting all fuch tenants to that honour without diftinction. I fufpect, however, that the reverend Doctor's opinion is the best founded of the two. It was part of the duty of every tenant in capite to attend in the King's great council, how trifling foever his eftate might be; and as by the act 1425. cap. 52all the freeholders of the King within the realm were declared to be bound to attend the parliament; fo the partial difpenfation given to the fmall freeholders in the time of James II. and to be immediately taken notice of, was confined to fuch as had not 201. per annum. Indeed, the lands in Scotland were never as in England, divided into a certain number of knights fees nor was any particular quantity or value of land diftinguished, by that appellation. And although fome old charters are to be found which bear a grant of land for the fervice of one or more knights or milites, the inftances are not very frequent.' Thefe remarks are fo wild, that it is altogether furprizing how any writer could trifle fo egregioully. Dr. Stuart when treating of fiefs had occafion to obferve, that the knight's fee might be divided into fixty fragments; and that no fuch tenants in capite could be admitted into parliament upon account of their poverty. His pofition is clearly put, and according to the feudal rules it is right to a demonflration. A knight's fee confifted of parts which were regular and irregular. The regular fragments of the knights fee were called its members, and they comprehended eight parts. The term regular was applied to these eight parts, because their proprietors were bound to perform all the duties of the fee. Now the parts which were irregular included from the ninth fraction to the fixtieth; and the proprietors of thefe were too low in life to be of any confideration. Of con * Dr. Stuart. fequence |