conftitution under which the people of England live, as already has been hinted, that which we enjoy was derived. At first, the English fettlement here was unfit to make use of the perfect form of the English constitution: fuch part as was neceffary, and could be rendered operative, took place under English authority; and, from time to time, as the English fettlers increased, and the rest of the country became incorporated with them, the English conftitution was more perfectly adopted and established. At laft, the whole of the country became compleatly fubject to English laws; and accordingly, the principles and form of the English conftitution, have been, by degrees, fo perfectly adopted in Ireland, that, confidering the executive of England is the executive of Ireland, and conftitutes one branch of her legislature, we may with truth and propriety be faid, as we generally are faid, to live under the Englifh conftitution. The people of both kingdoms fpeak the fame language; the fame religion has been long established among them; they are regulated in almoft all refpects by exactly fimilar laws; and their whole fum of interests is bound up in one fate. They inhabit two maritime iflands, placed near each other in a corner of Europe; their chief power and defence are maritime; they are particularly fitted for mutual affiftance; they are feared and envied, and almost furrounded, by many of the most powerful states in the world. Could any aggregate of circumstances, more forcibly point out the propriety of Union, or tend to make the tranfition more eafy and effectual? and furely, no violence can be offered either to principle or precedent, if the conftitutional power, which originally emanated from the English conftitution, which took root F root and grew up under English authority and protecti on, and which, has attained the nature, and usages of the English conftitution, fhould, in conjunction with the conftitutional power of its parent, adopt a Union of conftitution, in fpirit and in form, the fame as the component parts. But, apprehenfion is entertained, that the junction, of a proportionate number of lords and commoners for Ireland, with the lords and commoners for Great Britain, must impair the conftitution; because, as it is infinuated, it would increase the proportion of the influence of the crown. This apprehenfion, whether real or affected, ftrengthens the neceffity of confolidating the legislatures of the two kingdoms: for, it amounts to this; that the motives to unprincipled adventure in, what has been called, the trade of parliament, will be confiderably diminished, if not eradicated; and that, confequently, the important concerns of the state, will not be fo often impeded and injured, by thofe inflammatory harangues, and that mischievous fpirit of intrigue, through which, the factious purposes of party, and the felfifh views of Individuals, are too often promoted. But the apprehenfion has, in truth, very little foundation for, the patronage of the crown cannot then have fo extenfive an influence in parliament as at prefent; becaufe, many of the members now enjoy profitable places here, which require an attendance on the duty attached to them, and which, confequently, they could not enjoy, if attending parliament in England: befides, the refidence of a parliament and a correfponding adminif tration here, requires many offices, which then would not not be neceffary; and, the members to be returned for Ireland, upon the liberal plan in contemplation, would all be men of that fuperiour rank and fortune, which at leaft give confiderable probability, that they would in general be actuated, by higher and more generous fentiments, than interested wishes for a few paltry places; and if, as we hope, the talents of many of them, should frequently point them out, as fit perfons to take a leading part in the conduct of the empire, Ireland will reap her share of honour and importance, in the dignified progrefs of the imperial state. At all events, whatever may be the calculations on the eventual proportion of the influence of the crown, it is certain, that the Union of Scotland, has not produced fuch increase of regal influence, as has, in any degree, diminifhed the force or effect of conftitutional oppofition; and, it is as certain, that, within the last twenty or thirty years, fome of the most popular meafures, have been carried in the British parliament, that are to be found in the history of the English conftitution. It has been determined, that commiffioners of customs or excife fhall not fit in the British parliament; -revenue officers have been deprived of the elective. franchise;-the general iffue, in informations and indictments for libels, has been completely committed to the jury. Thefe and many other acts of fimilar tendency, have fully demonftrated the power and independence of the people, and the full proportion of influence in the democratick part of the conftitution. And, with regard to the effect of the measure now in difcuffion, let it be impreffed, that the lords and commoners, who who would appear for Ireland, in the face of obferving Europe, would be of a description, not likely indeed to engage in profligate or interested oppofition, but most likely to join, with refpectable and independent members like themselves, in effectual oppofition to every encroachment, that might be attempted, upon established rights; because, in established rights, are at once involved, the interefts of every rank in the community, and the extended well being of the whole. In the confideration of the relative state, and the propofed Union, of two kingdoms, fo connected and fo conftituted as Great Britain and Ireland, the fentiment, respecting the diftinct name, dignity, and independence, of a diftinct and independent kingdom, which feems to have roused many to a kind of rage, is of so vague and elufive a nature, that the understanding finds in it nothing fubftantial, on which to found any rational inference or opinion. But, if national fecurity, profperity, virtue, and happiness, be extended, and rendered mutually more effectual bleffings; if both kingdoms, in the act of conferring benefits, receive reciprocally greater; if prejudice and jealoufy yield to cordiality and amity; if the power and dignity of each, contribute to the greater power and dignity of both incorporated; and, if all the valuable and honourable qualities in either people, confpire to elevate the character of the united people; then shall national independence, national dignity, and national character, magnified, refined, and exalted, give uobler fentiments to every fubject of the United Kingdom and incite him to |